The firm and determined policy pursued by Lenin thwarted the manoeuvres of the agents of the counter-revolution. Abandoning all hope for the success of the “Kerensky-Krasnov and Railwaymen’s Executive” combination, Chernov recommended that the new central authority to be organised should rely on the regional governments which had been formed in the Ukraine, Don, Kuban and Turkestan.
Meanwhile, the Socialist-Revolutionaries carried the struggle against the Bolsheviks to the floor of the Peasants’ Congress. During the armed insurrection the Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, which was controlled by the Socialist-Revolutionaries, had decided to convene a Congress of Peasants’ Deputies on November 10, but as soon as the revolutionary temper prevailing among the lower peasant organisations became apparent it did all in its power to prevent the Congress from assembling. It sent the most confused instructions to the localities as regards the day the Congress was to assemble, rate of representation, and so forth. Many delegates who were already on the way to Petrograd turned back. Many Peasant Soviets, bewildered by the contradictory instructions, refused to send representatives.
On November 8, the Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, by 27 votes against 23, decided to convene the Peasants’ Congress in Moghilev, the seat of General Headquarters. The motives advanced for this were the demand of Chernov and Gotz that the Congress should he held in a “favourable” atmosphere, which did not exist in Petrograd, and that it was necessary to secure the close co-operation of the front in the task of “forming a new government.”[1]
This, in fact, was an attempt on the part of the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries to follow the example of the Provisional Government, which, several weeks previously, had intended to flee from revolutionary Petrograd to what it had regarded as the calmer atmosphere of Moscow. The Socialist-Revolutionaries hoped to find a haven at counter-revolutionary General Headquarters, but they were too late. On November 9, a closed conference of 120 delegates to the Peasants’ Congress decided to convene the Congress in Petrograd.
The delegates to the Congress assembled in Petrograd on November 10. A preliminary scrutiny of the credentials showed that the “Left” Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks had a majority. Taken aback by this unexpected turn, the Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies began to manoeuvre. That day it called a conference of delegates from Gubernia and Army Committees, i.e., of representatives of the leading bodies, and secured the adoption of a decision to postpone the Congress until November 30. The assembled delegates were to be given the restricted powers of a conference and, moreover, the delegates from the uyezds, volosts and army divisions, were not to have the right to vote. That evening, the delegates assembled and by a majority vote the Executive Committee’s proposal was defeated. All the delegates were given the right to vote, and it was decided to proclaim the assembly itself as an Extraordinary Congress.
Next day, November 11, the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries moved that all the members of the Presidium of the Executive Committee be elected to the Presidium of the Congress, with the addition of representatives from all the political groups. This motion was rejected and the Congress decided to elect the Presidium on the basis of proportional representation. Upon this, the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries demonstratively left the hall accompanied by several representatives from Gubernia Soviets and Army Committees. At this session the assembly was proclaimed an Extraordinary Congress.
On November 12, the debate on the question of the government was opened. The “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries continued to oscillate in their customary fashion and persisted in their efforts to secure the adoption of the Railwaymen’s Executive formula of a government formed of representatives of all Socialist parties “from the Populist Socialists to the Bolsheviks.” Speaking on behalf of the Railwaymen’s Executive, Krushinsky said:
“The representative organs of revolutionary democracy must serve as the fount of power. The Second Congress [of Soviets—Ed.] lacks sufficient authority, and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee should be augmented by representatives from the peasants, the army, trade unions and local government bodies. We shall go on to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee if you, the Peasants’ Congress, decide to go on it.”[2]
Taking advantage of the vacillations of the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Rights made another attempt to capture the Congress. In the name of 150 delegates, the Right Socialist-Revolutionary V. Y. Gurevich, a member of the Executive Committee, stated that they regarded the split as a crime, that they were resuming their places in the Congress, and desired to have a representative of their group on the Presidium. At this juncture Chernov appeared in the hall. The Right Socialist-Revolutionaries moved that he be elected honorary chairman of the Congress. The Bolsheviks, supported by the rank-and-file delegates, strongly opposed this. Kiselev, a sailor, and representative of the Helsingfors garrison, severely criticised the counter-revolutionary policy pursued by Chernov and the leaders of the Executive Committee of the Peasants’ Soviets and called upon the peasants to form a united revolutionary front with the workers and soldiers.
“I call upon the genuine, not Avksentyev, peasants to unite with the workers and soldiers,” he said.[3]
“Smolny farmers!”—came the snarling retort of the kulak, or capitalist farmer, delegates.
The Right Socialist-Revolutionaries again left the hall, after which the Congress proceeded to discuss the question of the government. Three resolutions were moved on this point: one by the Bolsheviks, one by the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries and a third by the Maximalist Socialist-Revolutionaries. But just before the debate was opened the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries returned to the hall and stated that they would remain at the Congress in view of the importance of the question about to be discussed. On the motion of the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Congress voted in favour of the formation of a government consisting of representatives of all Socialist parties “from the Populist Socialists to the Bolsheviks.” The Bolsheviks secured the adoption of an amendment to the effect that the government must be responsible to the Soviets.
The “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries manoeuvred hard to secure the adoption of Chernov’s resolutions, but they dared not openly oppose the Bolsheviks who enjoyed the backing of the rank-and-file peasant and army delegates. On November 13, the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries demanded that the discussion on the resolution be re-opened, but the Congress rejected this demand. Once again the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries left the Congress, this time for good, and decided to hold their own sessions concurrently with those of the Congress.
As a result of the treacherous policy of the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Congress refused to hear Lenin’s report as Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars. “If we give the People’s Commissars the floor,” said Kolegayev, “we shall thereby prejudice the issue on the question of the government.”[4]
Lenin addressed the Congress as the representative of the Bolshevik group, but this in no way diminished the importance of his speech. He spoke on the agrarian question and in the course of his remarks he denounced the policy of the Socialist-Revolutionaries who, as he said “advocate confiscation of the landed estates” but do nothing to carry this out.[5] At the close of his speech Lenin moved a resolution which stated in part:
“. . . the complete realisation of all the measures begun constituting the Land Act is possible only provided that the workers’ Socialist revolution, which commenced on October 25, is successful, for only the Socialist revolution can ensure the transfer of the land to the working peasantry without compensation. . . .
“An essential condition for the victory of the Socialist revolution . . . is the closest alliance of the working and exploited peasantry and the working class. . . .”[6]
In the course of his speech Lenin had said:
“Landlordism is the basis of feudal tyranny, and the confiscation of the land of the landlords is the first step of the revolution in Russia. But the land problem cannot be solved independently of the other problems that confront the revolution.”[7]
He attacked the wavering, compromising policy of the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries in the following terms:
“The mistake of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries made was that they . . . had not opposed the policy of compromise on the grounds that the masses were not sufficiently educated. A party is the vanguard of a class, and its function is not to express the average state of mind of the masses, but to lead them. But to be able to lead those who vacillate, one must stop vacillating oneself.”[8]
Lenin’s straightforward words were levelled directly at the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionary leaders. Continuing, he said:
“. . . but to this day the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries are stretching out a hand to the Avksentyevs and only their little finger to the workers. If these compromising tactics continue, the revolution is doomed.”[9]
The task of the revolution is to bring about a rupture with compromise, and a rupture with compromise means taking the path of the Socialist revolution. Addressing the peasants Lenin ruthlessly exposed the bourgeois narrow-mindedness of the people who claimed to be leaders of the revolution.
“If Socialism can be brought about only when everybody, to the very last man, is developed, then we shall not see Socialism for another five hundred years,” he said.[10]
In unison with their allies, the Kamenevs and Trotskys, the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries claimed that Socialism could not triumph in Russia. In their newspaper they had described the aspirations of the Soviet Government to bring about Socialism as “the fantastic dream of visionaries and Utopians.” To this Lenin replied in his speech at the Peasants’ Congress as follows:
“The fact is, comrades, a Socialist, proletarian revolution has commenced in Russia. The masses of the people want to be masters of their own destiny. . . . The workers and peasants have covered Russia with their Soviets, they have become masters of their own destiny, and this is not the vision, not the utopia of ‘fantastic dreamers’. . . .”[11]
Turning to the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries, Lenin said:
“Agreement between us is possible only on a Socialist platform, there can be no other agreement.”[12]
The sound organisation of the Bolshevik group at the Congress, the work which the Bolsheviks carried on among the delegates, and especially Lenin’s speech changed the temper of the Congress. The overwhelming majority of the delegates represented the army, the men in the trenches, and the poor strata of the rural population. At the Congress 32 mandates from army organisations were read demanding the transfer of power to the Soviets. As a result of the pressure of this section of the delegates the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries were compelled to adopt the Bolshevik demand for the amalgamation of the Soviets. On November 15 a joint meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets and the Extraordinary Peasants’ Congress was held at which, amidst tremendous enthusiasm, the first step was taken towards amalgamating the central bodies of the Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies.
Before the joint meeting with the All-Russian Central Executive Committee the delegates at the Peasants’ Congress held a special meeting at which the one word “amalgamation,” evoked loud approval. Delegates from the Smolny and from the Red Guard who appeared at the meeting were welcomed with loud and prolonged applause. The representative of the Socialist Labour Party of America, who was present at the meeting, stated in greeting the delegates:
“The day on which the Congress of Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies and the Congress of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies reached an agreement is one of the most important days in the revolution. It will be loudly echoed all over the world: in Paris, in London, and across the ocean, in New York.”[13]
Greetings were conveyed to the peasants on behalf of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets by the Chairman of that body, J. M. Sverdlov, who concluded his speech with the words:
“By amalgamating with the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies you have consolidated the cause of the world revolution. This agreement is one of the most outstanding events of the revolution.”[14]
The peasant delegates marched to the Smolny to attend a joint session of the Executive Committee of the Peasants’ Soviets and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. At the entrance they were met by Red Guards. With streaming banners bearing the inscription: “Long Live the Unity of the Revolutionary Working People,” the peasants and Red Guards trooped into the Council Chamber of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. The Presidium of the joint session consisted of the Presidiums of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and of the Peasants’ Congress. The amalgamation was welcomed with enthusiasm by the peasant delegates who spoke at the meeting. R. I. Stashkov, a veteran peasant, said:
“I represent an Uyezd Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies. I have been instructed to say that all power must belong to the Soviets. Up to now we have been living not in the light and air, but in coffins, as it were. But the men who championed the rights of the people suffered more than we. Manacled, they rotted in jail. This is a great day. I did not walk from the Fontanka [the street where the Peasants’ Congress was held—Ed.] I was carried on wings. I cannot describe my joy to you.”[15]
Towards the end of the meeting J. M. Sverdlov moved a resolution endorsing the decrees on land and peace which were adopted at the Second Congress of Soviets. This resolution was carried unanimously.
The amalgamation of the Central Executive Committee of Peasants’ Soviets and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was a significant step forward in consolidating the alliance between the proletariat and the working peasantry. This step greatly facilitated the task of the emissaries of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and of the Military Revolutionary Committee in amalgamating the Soviets of Workers and Peasants in the different localities in the country.
On November 18 Lenin delivered the final speech at the Peasants’ Congress in the course of which he stated bluntly that the Bolsheviks were willing to reach an agreement with the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries because “many peasants trusted them.”[16] The bloc with the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries was a special form of the united front, which enabled the Bolsheviks to isolate the “Left” Socialist-Revolutionaries and win the peasant masses away from them. In forming this bloc, however, the Bolsheviks did not yield on a single point of their program. The important thing for them was to drag the waverers out of the camp of the counter-revolution and to rally around themselves all their temporary allies. As Lenin said:
“. . . when at war one must not neglect any assistance, even indirect. When at war even the position of the vacillating classes is of enormous importance. The more intense the war the more must we strive to gain influence over the vacillating elements. . . .”[17]
These tactics secured the Bolsheviks victory at the Peasants’ Congress. The rank-and-file delegates fully approved of the Bolsheviks’ decrees on land and peace. Representatives from the districts stated that the peasants had turned their backs on the Socialist-Revolutionary Party and had welcomed the decrees of the Soviet Government with the greatest enthusiasm. Every day brought fresh news of the victory of the Soviet regime in different parts of the country. According to incomplete returns, Soviet Government had already been established, in addition to Petrograd and Moscow, in Kharkov, Nizhni-Novgorod, Odessa, Ekaterinoslav, Samara, Saratov, Kazan, Rostov, Vladimir, Reval (in the Baltic), Pskov, Minsk, Krasnoyarsk, Orekhovo-Zuyevo, Tsaritsyn and Ufa. On November 19, the Extraordinary Peasants’ Congress elected a new All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies of 108 members, all of whom became members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies.
[1] “The Congress of Peasants’ Deputies,” Dyelo Naroda (The People’s Cause), No. 204, November 9, 1917.
[2] “The Second All-Russian Congress of Peasants’ Deputies,” Izvestia of the Central Executive Committee and of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, No. 225, November 14, 1917.
[3] M. Gaisinsky, The Bolsheviks’ Fight for the Peasantry in 1917. The All-Russian Congresses of Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, Party Publishers, Moscow, 1933, p. 190.
[4] Ibid., p. 189.
[5] V. I. Lenin, “The Extraordinary Congress of Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, November 23-December 8 (November 10-25), 1917,” Speech on the Agrarian Question, November 27 (14), Selected Works, Eng. ed., Vol. VI, p. 421.
[6] Ibid., Draft Resolution, pp. 423-24.
[7] Ibid., Speech on the Agrarian Question, p. 421.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] V. I. Lenin, The Peasants’ Congress. Lenin’s Speech, Novaya Zhizn, No. 181, November 15, 1917.
[11] V. I. Lenin, “The Extraordinary Congress of Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, November 23-December 8 (November 10-25), 1917,” Report on Terms of Agreement with the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, December 1 (November 18), Collected Works, Russ. ed., Vol. XXII, pp. 87-88.
[12] Ibid., p. 88.
[13] “The Amalgamation of the Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” Pravda, No. 191, November 16, 1917.
[14] Ibid.
[15] “The First Plenary Meeting of the C.E.C. of the All-Russian Congresses of Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, November 15,” Pravda, No. 192, November 17, 1917.
[16] V. I. Lenin, “The Alliance of the Workers with the Toiling and Exploited Peasants,” Selected Works, Eng. ed., Vol. VI, p. 425.
[17] V. I. Lenin, “The Meeting of Moscow Party Officials, November 27, 1918,” Collected Works, Russ. ed., Vol. XXIII, p. 323.
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