When the fierce class struggle within the Communist Party of China (CPC) burst on to the scene in the Fall of 1976 we began a scientific investigation of this phenomena. Only through a scientific investigation, adhering to the principles of scientific socialism and the scientific outlook and method – dialectical and historical materialism, is it possible to take the class stand of the international proletariat. The questions we sought to answer are as follows: does the so-called “gang of four” and their adherents represent Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought (MLMTT) or revisionism?; does Hua Kuo-feng, the Central Committee (CC) of the CPC, and their followers represent MLMTT or revisionism? Obviously these are interconnected questions.
The results of our scientific investigation has revealed that the revisionists have consolidated their hold on the CC of the CPC and are in the process of consolidating their power in the CPC at large and the entire state apparatus. The internal line of the CPC is the ’theory’ of the productive forces, the expansion of “bourgeois right” in the relations of production, and the growth of bourgeois-revisionist ideology and culture. The political programme of the revisionists is the complete restoration of capitalists in the economic base and the superstructure. The class interests of this line and programme represents the old landlords and bourgeoisie and the new bourgeoisie (the revisionists). The forward motion of China is toward, if not already, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
On the other hand, the so-called “gang of four” and their followers are genuine Marxist-Leninists who adhere to MLMTT, represent the class Interests of the Chinese proletariat, and dared to go against the revisionist tide. It must be pointed out that there is no such thing as a “gang of four” in a class society; there are classes, class interests, class ideas, class representatives, class organizations, and class struggle. The suppression of the Marxist-Leninists by the revisionists involves an unknown number of comrades.
The main objective of this paper is to get all honest organizations and elements in the U. S. Communist Movement to take up the question of the revisionist take-over in China and its implications. Further scientific investigation will only enrich and develop the initial presentation made here. As Mao Tse-tung points out:
Every process, whether in the realm of nature or society, progresses and develops by reason of its internal contradiction and struggle, and the movement of human knowledge should also progress and develop along with it. As far as social movements are concerned, true revolutionary leaders must not only be good at correcting their ideas, theories, plans or programmes when errors are discovered, as has been indicated above; but when a certain objective process has already progressed and changed from one stage of development to another, they must also be good at making themselves and all their fellow-revolutionaries progress and change in their subjective knowledge along with it, that is to say, they must ensure that the proposed new revolutionary tasks and new working programmes correspond to the new changes in the situation. In a revolutionary period the situation changes very rapidly; if the knowledge of revolutionaries does not change rapidly in accordance with the changed situation, they will be unable to lead the revolution to victory.[1]
A secondary objective of this paper, and interrelated with the main objective, is to get comrades to recognize the necessity to make an open and resolute break with the CPC and its line and take up an active ideological and political struggle against the revisionists internationally and nationally. Some comrades may agree that the revisionists are in power in China but believe we should not take up an open struggle against the traitors of the Chinese proletariat and the international proletariat until we can confirm that a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie exists in China. The question of whether a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie exists in China is one we are working on now and will make a presentation to the movement shortly. However, there is no doubt, and a scientific investigation has and will confirm, that the new bourgeoisie occupies a dominant role in the CPC and the state apparatus. This is the pivotal section of the superstructure to bring about the dominance of the bourgeoisie in the economic base, the rest of the superstructure, and the complete restoration of capitalism. The point is that the forward motion of China is toward, if not already, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Communists while taking into consideration the past and the present base themselves on what is coming into being.
We hold that the line of waiting until the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is confirmed before an active ideological and political struggle is waged against the revisionists in the CPC is an opportunist line. As Mao Tse-tung teaches us:
But liberalism rejects ideological struggle and stands for unprincipled peace, thus giving rise to a decadent, philistine attitude and bringing about political degeneration in certain units and individuals in the Party and the revolutionary organizations.[2]
Some comrades who may take up this “wait and see” line would say that if the dictatorship of the proletariat exists, by attacking the revisionists in power we will be giving aid and comfort to the international bourgeoisie. But the international bourgeoisie is already dancing in the corporate board rooms! Should we write a note on the sly to the new bourgeoisie and ask them to return the Party and state power they have usurped from the proletariat? As Marx teaches us: “The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims.”[3]
The question arises as to why the present communist movement in the U.S., generated overwhelmingly by the spontaneous petty-bourgeois led struggles of the 60s and 70s, has almost unanimously continued to follow the line of the CPC since the revisionist take-over? The answer to this question is the same answer as to why the present communist movement in the U. S. has predominately consolidated around revisionist and opportunist lines’ one, a petty-bourgeois social basis in an imperialist country; two, ideological roots of pragmatism based on subjective idealism and a disdain for theory three, historical roots of revisionism and opportunism in the U. S. communist movement and the international communist movement that have not been theoretically understood. These points have characterized our development until recently. When the struggle in China broke out in the Fall of 1976 we came to the realization that we really did not have an ideological grasp of the struggle.
To put an end to this situation it must be demanded that all work be carried out scientifically adhering to the outlook and method of Marxism-Leninism – dialectical and historical materialism. This is seldom done. Yet, without this outlook and method it is impossible to take the stand of the international proletariat. “We should get our comrades to understand that without investigation there is no right to speak”[4] or print! This type of atmosphere must prevail. Only then can we move forward. As with all matters before the communist movement all communists and advanced workers must participate in the struggle for the movement to flourish again and reverse the present state of revisionism and opportunism. This will surely happen. “Imperialism is the eve of the social revolution of the proletariat.”[5]
The name communist has been viciously smeared, too long, by the new bourgeoisie and the petty-bourgeoisie masquerading under the name “communist.” Communists must relentlessly and ruthlessly expose these enemies of the proletariat, especially to the advanced workers who must be won to communism to build a genuine granite Communist Party that will lead the overthrow of the U. S. bourgeoisie and establish the “iron broom” of proletarian dictatorship.
The international proletariat, the only revolutionary class on the face of this earth, led by communist parties worthy of the name, in both word and deed, will lead the overthrow of imperialism and social-imperialism, establish dictatorships of the proletariat, persevere all the way in socialism, to the complete and final elimination of classes and class societies – world communism! This is an objective scientific fact independent of the will of man.
Comrades, let us unite on the principles of communism and ideological and political line; let us smash revisionism and opportunism and carry our tasks through to the end!
The class struggle in the CPC manifested itself sharply around internal questions and so that is where an investigation was made. Not all the various and sundry ’charges’ made by the revisionists against the Marxist-Leninists have been included. Some of these should be done in the future, however, we want to emphasize the crucial importance of grasping the essence of the situation in China; the revisionists have taken over the CPC and are usurping complete state power from the proletariat. It is an absolute must on the theoretical front to scientifically understand how and why revisionism was able to gain Party and state power in China i.e. the historical, ideological, and social basis. We will be working on this question.
No attempt has been made in this writing to analyze the international line of the CPC. It should be obvious that this line either is now or will be shortly a revisionist one. There are initial indications that the former is the case. All questions must be grounded in a scientific investigation and since we have not done this yet we will not discuss it further at this time.
What follows, is an initial presentation on the revisionist take-over in China. There is more work to be done in this area as mentioned above. Communist criticism and struggle will always be well received.
Communist Greetings
Wichita Communist Cell March, 1977
[1] Mao Tse-tung, “On Practice”, Four Essays on Philosophy, p. 17
[2] Mao Tse-tung, ”Combat Liberalism”, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 31
[3] Karl Marx, Communist Manifesto, Peking Editions p. 76
[4] Mao Tse-tung, “Reform Our Study”, Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 23
[5] V. I. Lenin, Imperialism, The Highest Stage of Capitalism, Peking Edition, p. 10