November 12, 1977
In his Report submitted to the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania, Comrade Enver Hoxha pointed out: “In general, the present international situation appears very complex, full of great contradictions and confrontations that have now embraced the whole globe and all aspects of human society today. Facing imperialism, social-imperialism and their savage, aggressive and expansionist activity, facing the bourgeoisie, the international monopolies and their barbarous exploitation, facing reaction and its violence and terror, with multiplied forces stand the world proletariat and the staunch revolutionaries, the peoples that are struggling for freedom and democracy, for socialism. The world is at a stage when the cause of the revolution and national liberation of the peoples is not just an aspiration and a future prospect, but a problem taken up for solution.” [1]
The issue on the world scale is whether the question of proletarian revolution and national liberation is taken up for solution or this question is left over to be taken up. at some future date, or given up and opposed altogether. The international proletariat and the oppressed peoples and nations are taking up the question for solution and are courageously fighting for genuine social and national emancipation. They are fighting in concrete terms in response to the concrete conditions prevailing in their countries and objective conditions are ripe for revolution on the world scale. Imperialism headed by U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism and the reactionaries of all countries are carrying out frenzied activities against the revolutionary forces in order to drown in blood the revolutionary struggles of the international proletariat and oppressed peoples and nations. Khrushchov revisionism and all its currents and opportunism of all hues, including the new opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds” are the Trojan Horse of imperialism led by the two superpowers in the international working class and communist movement and in the revolutionary forces which are carrying out their frenzied activities to subvert the revolutionary struggles of the international proletariat and the oppressed peoples and nations for genuine social and national liberation from within. The defeat of revisionism and opportunism of all hues is a decisive condition to win genuine social and national liberation. The clear lines of demarcation are being drawn on this question between genuine Marxism and sham. The leaders of the new opportunist trend have recently come into the open to oppose the struggle for genuine social and national liberation with their theory that “in the developed-capitalist countries”, there “is as yet no revolutionary situation for thelmmediate seizure of state power”, [2] thus pitting themselves against proletarian revolution and serving imperialism led by the two superpowers and reactionaries of all lands. This is the refurbished version of the old Khrushchovite revisionist thesis that the “material conditions are not ripe for revolution”.
The Canadian proletariat which is part of the international proletariat today faces double exploitation by the native bourgeoisie and by the U.S. imperialist bourgeoisie operating in Canada. It faces the barbarous attacks of the imperialist bourgeoisie in all spheres and it is heroically resisting the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis onto its back. The immigrants, especially those hailing from the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America face triple exploitation and the barbarous state-organized racist attacks launched against them. The Native people face genocide by. the big monopolies and multinationals and by the reactionary state which is behind the big monopolies and the multinationals and facilitates their activities. These big monopolies and multinationals are intensifying the plunder of the land and labour of our country and are depriving the Native people of any rights to their lands and livelihood. Inter-imperialist contradiction on the question of Quebec is sharpening and the reactionary bourgeoisie is preparing for a reactionary civil war in order to drown in blood the just struggle of the people and nation of Quebec for genuine national liberation. While the reactionary bourgeoisie fascizes the state, makes war preparations and serves the expansionist and aggressive aims of imperialism led by U.S. imperialism in its contention with imperialism led by Soviet social-imperialism, it is the people who pay the bill. It is the proletariat which faces the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis and it is the proletariat which faces the political, social and cultural aggression.
The reactionary bourgeoisie in Canada is in the thick of political crisis. The ugly features of its decadence, barbarity, the corruption and total disregard of its own “laws” and the division and rivalry within it are all reflected in the exposures of the misdeeds of its state and its leaders which have been coming to light in the past few years, especially in the exposure of its police forces, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police which is used to crush the resistance of the proletariat and people and to subvert and repress our Party and which is working with and is trained by the Central Intelligence Agency of the U.S. and the Federal Bureau of Investigation of the U.S. All their masks of “patriotism” and crocodile tears about “unity” etc. are being torn mercilessly off their faces and shown as what they really are – the ploys to deceive the people and to persecute the progressive forces in order to serve the aggressive and expansionist aims of imperialism led by U.S. imperialism. The other superpower, the other leader of imperialism, is also increasing its penetration into Canada and is fishing in the troubled waters. The revisionists and opportunists of all hues are in the service of imperialism led by the two superpowers and the reactionary bourgeoisie provides all the support necessary to prop them up in order to subvert the resistance put up by the proletariat and people from within.
In an atmosphere of all-round political, cultural and social crisis with economic crisis as its base, the proletariat in Canada is taking up its historic task, the task of overthrowing imperialism and capitalism and building socialism. The objective conditions are ripe for revolution and the proletariat is putting up a valiant fight and is courageously struggling against the reactionary bourgeoisie and its rule. The contradictions amongst the imperialists, and the contradiction between the big bourgeoisie of Canada and that of the U.S. operating in Canada and the proletariat and people are sharpening rapidly. Popular mass struggles against the cruelty and barbarism of the decaying and parasitic capitalist system, capitalism at its highest stage, and the struggle of the proletariat against exploitation and against the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis on its shoulders and against wage slavery is reaching new heights and taking up new dimensions. All the contradictions inherent in the capitalist system, the contradiction between the social character of production and the private ownership of the means of production and the contradiction between planned individual production with overall anarchy of production leading to the crisis of over-production are sharpening daily.
The issue facing the proletariat – is to prepare its subjective conditions, to build the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist), its most conscious vanguard, and lead the popular masses in vigorous class struggle against the reactionary bourgeoisie in order to overthrow the capitalist system by its revolutionary violence, overthrow the rule and domination of the big monopolies and multinationals, overthrow the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, embark on the socialist road and vigorously participate in the historic struggle against imperialism led by the two superpowers.
The Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) is the organizer, mobilizer and inspirer of the proletariat, its general staff through which the proletariat leads the battle against capital. Our Party has advanced the tactical slogan Make the Rich Pay! in order to prepare the proletariat for taking up the historic mission of achieving genuine social liberation and establishing a genuinely democratic, independent and socialist Canada. The Third Congress of our Party correctly set forth the direction and orientation of the main assault of the proletariat. The Third Congress pointed out: “The main assault of the proletariat is against the revisionists and opportunists of all hues, the labour aristocracy and the sellout trade union leaders, the social-democrats and other elements who are reconciling the antagonistic contradiction between the proletariat and the reactionary bourgeoisie, who are either agents of one superpower or the other, who are creating ideological and political confusion to disintegrate the revolutionary movement against the reactionary bourgeoisie, who are causing confusion in the ranks of the proletariat by establishing phoney ’Marxist-Leninist’ sects and parties, etc., and who are hindering and obstructing the general preparation for the overthrow of the rule of the reactionary bourgeoisie.” [3] The carrying out of the main assault against the revisionists and opportunists of all hues and against all the bourgeois prejudices and illusions which they bring into the working class movement is a decisive factor for the final assault of the proletariat against the rule of the reactionary bourgeoisie. It is the decisive factor in preparing the subjective conditions for the seizure of political power and for embarking on the socialist road.
The main danger to the working class movement and the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement is still from revisionism. Revisionism is the mortal enemy of the proletariat and of its historic mission. Revisionism disarms the proletariat, sows ideological, political and organizational confusion and misleads it onto the road of class collaboration and betrayal of the proletariat’s quest for genuine social emancipation and for the socialist road. The objective conditions are ripe for revolution but the subjective conditions are lagging behind. Firm opposition to revisionism and opportunism of all hues is the necessary and decisive task to prepare the subjective conditions for revolution.
Our era is the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. The main content of this era is transition from capitalism to communism, that is the transition period of proletarian revolutionary civil wars and of national liberation wars and of triumph of socialism in one or several countries leading to complete transition from capitalism to socialism as a necessary historical period before complete elimination of classes and the ushering in of communism. This historic period of transition, the period of socialist revolution and socialist construction, the period of revolutionary civil wars and of the dictatorship of the proletariat was ushered in with the great victory of the Great October Revolution and with the establishment of Soviet Power under the leadership of Comrade Lenin. The proletariat is in the centre of this epoch and class struggle is the motive force. The national liberation movement is the reserve of proletarian revolution and is part of the main struggle of the epoch, the struggle for elimination of imperialism and building of socialism. Modern revisionism and all its currents and opportunism of all hues including the new opportunist trend with the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds” as its base blunts the sharp edge of class struggle of the proletariat and eliminates its leading role in this transition period and betrays proletarian revolution and the national liberation movement. It deprives the epoch of its essential content, the struggle for socialism, and demagogically sows the illusion that the world can be transformed and the exploitation of man by man be eliminated with the joint efforts of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and that the main struggle is either the “peace and detente” fraud of the Brezhnev revisionist clique or the “struggle against the hegemonism of the two superpowers” and against the “war policies”, of the theoreticians of “three worlds”. Both make no distinction between Marxism and imperialism and the two are demagogically hollering about “peace and detente” and “postponing the war for another twenty years” or establishing “strategic order” etc.
Khrushchov revisionism in Canada is represented by the socalled “Communist” Party of Canada which adopted the anti-Leninist line of “parliamentary and peaceful road to socialism” in 1952 and betrayed the working class. Since then it has steadily degenerated into an open ally of the capitalist system and a greater supporter of capitalism than the capitalists themselves. It is now, alongside the NDP which is the continuer of the betrayal and treachery of the Second International, the main social prop of imperialism in our country. Our Party was established in March 1970 in opposition to Khrushchov revisionism and against opportunism of all hues. Our Party firmly waged a vigorous ideological struggle against modern revisionism and opportunism of all hues which it carries on to date. The founding of the Party was an historic event in the life of the working class movement and the communist movement and was a big blow to revisionism and opportunism of all hues. The birth of our Party was greeted with the brutal attacks from all obsolescent forces in the society and modern revisionism and opportunism of all hues stood in the van of reaction against the Party, forming a holy alliance with reaction. Since the founding of the Party, various revisionist, opportunist, anarchist, terrorist and trotskyist individuals and groups have joined together making up the new international opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds”. All these counter-revolutionary individuals and groups found one thing in common – their hatred and animosity towards CPC(M-L). They took up the class mission of the bourgeoisie to “smash” CPC(M-L) and carry out splitting and disruptive activities in the working class movement and the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. They are a bunch of agents provocateurs and they are sabotaging the historic task of creating subjective conditions for proletarian revolution.
The burning issue today is the defence of the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism, carrying out this defence in an organized, planned and systematic fashion and creating the subjective conditions for proletarian revolution. Our Party has taken up this task firmly and in a planned manner. The history of our Party and of the revolutionary movement since 1970, the history of the revolutionary movement prior to 1970, that is before the time of the founding of our Party, concretely show that the first step towards creating the subjective conditions for revolution is to participate in the revolutionary movement itself. Without participating in the revolutionary movement itself, it will be impossible to establish the vanguard of the proletariat, to defend the revolutionary theory of Marxism- Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism and to found the Party on the basis of the revolutionary theory of Marxism-Leninism and on the principles of proletarian internationalism, a party which is organized in a revolutionary style and is closely linked with the revolutionary masses. Life experience has shown that those who actively participated in the revolutionary movement are the ones who saw the necessity of opposing revisionism and opportunism of all hues and the necessity of building the Marxist-Leninist party. Once the Party is founded then the Marxist-Leninist party cannot be consolidated without the Party actively, in a vigorous manner, with courage, without fear and vacillation, leading the class struggle against the reactionary bourgeoisie. Whether the Party is big or small, whether the members of the Party are experienced or inexperienced, whether the members understand the theory guiding the Party properly or not, the key point is that each member of the Party must be in the basic organization and this basic organization must form the basic organ of leadership and actually lead class struggle. Without the Party leading and fighting for its hegemony over the revolutionary movement, there is no way it can consolidate itself and prepare the subjective conditions necessary for proletarian revolution. The merit of our work lies in the fact that first we saw the necessity of disseminating the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao Tsetung and Comrade Enver Hoxha on a large scale as a necessary stage of preparing the subjective conditions. We carried out these activities under the slogan: Leadership of the proletariat is absolutely necessary for revolution, build the instruments of working class propaganda, disseminate Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought on a large scale. Secondly, we saw the necessity of opposing revisionism and opportunism of all hues in an organized, planned and systematic way and came to the conclusion that even for this purpose we need a Marxist-Leninist party. Thus CPC(M-L) was founded. Thirdly, we saw the necessity of participating and leading mass struggles throughout this period, saw the necessity of providing correct political line on the nature of imperialism, on various cultural questions, especially the question of opposing the bourgeois decadent educational system, supporting the just struggles of the Indochinese people on the correct basis, opposing the U.S. domination of Canada, supporting the working class struggles against exploitation and wage slavery. If this aspect of the overall work had been neglected, it would have been impossible to found the Party and oppose revisionism and opportunism of all hues. We sorted out various important questions of practical nature and those concerning ideology and political line at each stage of work and created CPC(M-L) which is the absolutely necessary and decisive factor for proletarian revolution.
A genuinely Marxist-Leninist party is not a debating society and it cannot be formed out of debates by speculating on Marxism-Leninism. A genuinely Marxist-Leninist party does not permit any speculation on Marxism-Leninism and does not permit any factions within it. It does not permit “freedom of criticism” and it does not permit any loosening of its iron discipline. It builds its unity of thinking and action in battle against the class enemy and it strengthens itself by opposing revisionism and opportunism of all hues. The enemies of the Marxist-Leninist party use various subterfuges and devices to subvert and dismember it. One such subterfuge and device has been used over the past couple of years by those who are having “debates” as to what is “genuine” Marxism and what is opportunism in order to hoodwink the revolutionary forces and divert them from building CPC(M-L). They tried to suggest that the situation in Canada was similar to that of Russia at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of this century.
What is the issue involved on this question? Why are we opposed to such historical parallels? The issue involved is that those who are giving this historical parallel have an ulterior motive. They are conciliators with revisionism and opportunism of all hues, and they are howling from the rooftops about this historical parallel in order to oppose Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism by speculating on Marxism-Leninism and blunting the sharp edge of ideological struggle against revisionism and opportunism of all hues. As we have pointed out before, when Lenin took up the task of establishing the genuine Marxist Party and establishing the unity of this Party he fiercely opposed the revisionism of his time and restored the unity of the Party on that basis. Comrade Lenin clearly points out: “To establish and consolidate the Party means to establish and consolidate unity among all Russian Social-Democrats, and, for the reasons indicated above, such unity cannot be decreed, it cannot be brought about by a decision, say, of a meeting of representatives; it must be worked for. In the first place, it is necessary to work for solid ideological unity which should eliminate discordance and confusion that – let us be frank! reign among Russian Social-Democrats at the present time. This ideological unity must be consolidated by a Party programme.
Secondly, we must work to achieve an organization especially for the purpose of establishing and maintaining contact among all the centres of the movement, of supplying complete and timely information about the movement, and of delivering our newspaper and periodicals regularly to all parts of Russia. Only when such an organization has been founded, only when a Russian socialist post has been established, will the Party possess a sound foundation and become a real fact, and, therefore, a mighty political force. We intend to devote our efforts to the first half of this task, i.e., to creating a common literature, consistent in principle and capable of ideologically uniting revolutionary Social-Democracy, since we regard this as the pressing demand of the movement today and a necessary preliminary measure towards the resumption of Party activity.
As we have said, the ideological unity of Russian Social-Democrats has still to be created, and to this end it is, in our opinion, necessary to have an open and all-embracing discussion of the fundamental questions of principle and tactics raised by the present-day ’economists’, Bernsteinians, and ’critics’. Before we can unite, and in order we may unite, we must first of all draw clear lines of demarcation. Otherwise, our unity will be purely fictitious, it will conceal the prevailing confusion and hinder its radical elimination. It is understandable, therefore, that we do not intend to make our publication a mere storehouse of various views. On the contrary, we shall conduct it in the spirit of a strictly defined tendency. This tendency can be expressed by the word Marxism, and there is hardly need to add that we stand for the consistent development of the ideas of Marx and Engels and emphatically reject the equivocating, vague, opportunist ’corrections’ for which Eduard Bernstein, P. Struve, and many others have set the fashion. [4]
Instead of following Lenin and to “have an open and all-embracing discussion of the fundamental questions of principle and tactics raised by the present-day” revisionists and opportunists of all hues and to stand for the consistent defence of the ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao Tse-tung and Comrade Enver Hoxha and to draw clear lines of demarcation between. Marxism and revisionism of all hues, these conciliators with revisionism became a shield to protect revisionism and opportunism of all hues against the attacks of the Marxist-Leninists.
Instead of building the political party of the proletariat, CPC (M-L), they dished out their panaceas of debates for “building” their “party” and speculated on all fundamental principlesof Marxism-Leninism and caused maximum ideological confusion.
“Leninism is Marxism of the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution.” [5] It is not a dogma but a guide to action. What attitude did these conciliators to opportunism take towards the theory of Marxism-Leninism? They reduced this revolutionary theory to the level of discussion and debate under the hoax of “uniting” the “Marxist-Leninists” on the “correct” basis. They established their own private “Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement” without the Marxist-Leninists and within it they carried out their debates. Their ugly spectacle of speculating on everything and calling each other names is worthy of attention. They addressed one another as comrades and, at the same time, they abused one another as opportunists (laughter), counter-revolutionaries with the culmination of this tragi-comic melodrama being one gang finally expelling all the others and branding them as “revisionists”, opportunists” etc. We have pointed out time and again that they are the product of the degeneration and putrefaction of revisionism and their origin lies in the varied theories going under the general signboard of “New Leftism”, theories fighting for “independent Marxism”, “new communist movement” etc. It is the founding of the Party and the courageous struggle the Party waged against revisionism and opportunism of all hues, in defence of the purity of Marxism-Leninism and against the state-organized attacks on the Party, which forced these opportunists to change their tactics and attempt a come-back by pretending that they are “Marxist-Leninists” and “genuine” at that. It is absolutely necessary and decisive that we do not permit these opportunists to debase Marxism-Leninism with their hocus-pocus of organizing some debates and founding loose federations and debating societies and calling these “parties”.
The Internationalists, Marxist-Leninist youth and student movement, rose in the thick of the revolutionary upsurge of the youth and students in North America in the 1960’s. This organization of the youth and students was small but had a large influence. It opposed revisionism, opposed all kinds of petty bourgeois theories, anarchist theories and opposed all kinds of theories promoted under the name of drug culture, youth culture, etc. They opposed terrorism, the twin brother of revisionism and reformism. During this period, the Internationalists in Canada took up the mission of popularizing the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao Tsetung and Enver Hoxha on a large scale. They advanced the slogan that without the vigorous dissemination of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought, there is no possibility for the advancement of the revolutionary movement in Canada. These youth and students pointed out that, first and foremost, we must come under the discipline of the working class – that is, under the discipline of the working class theory. They took up the task of the dissemination of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought, of building the instruments of working class propaganda. If we look at the history of the 1960’s, the history of vigorous struggles right in the revolutionary movement against revisionism and opportunism of all hues, then we find that it was the same people who in 1974 and 1975 dished out the theories of building debating societies, etc. who were the protagonists in the 1960’s of the various new left theories, theories of independent Marxism, of independent socialism for Quebec, of terrorism as a means of accomplishing the national liberation of Quebec and many other such petty bourgeois and bourgeois theories. The founding of the Party in 1970, the tremendous struggles which the Party waged against the state-organized attacks on the Party, the attacks of suppression, the diabolical attacks which the revisionists and opportunists of all hues launched against the Party, the tremendous development of the influence and consolidation of the organization of the Party all across Canada - all this declared all the new left, opportunist and anarchistic theories totally bankrupt. There was a period in the history of the Communist Movement in Canada from 1970 to the end of 1973 when all these theories had no support whatsoever. All these elements had no place to go. They were looking for some sponsorship so that under this sponsorship they could escape political extinction. At the same time, during the same period, all the positive elements, the revolutionary elements, the Marxist-Leninists from these kinds of organizations who were not directly connected with the Internationalists, came forward to join the Party. They took up the slogan that the first task of every Marxist-Leninist is to join the existing Marxist-Leninist parties and build these parties. The Marxist-Leninists cannot wage sharp ideological struggle by organizing themselves into small factions, small cliques. To wage ideological struggle against revisionism and opportunism, the Marxist-Leninists need an organization of Marxist-Leninists. They need an organization which is based on democratic centralism, which has its central organs, which has its basic organizations and which is based on Marxism-Leninism and is organized in revolutionary style and with a political programme. Only then can the struggle against revisionism and opportunism of all hues be launched. Without the existence of such a Party, to talk about opposing revisionism and opportunism is merely an illusion and a dream which various individuals who are incapable of organizing or who do not want to organize create in the minds of the revolutionary forces to stop them from taking up the historical task of building the Party. From Vancouver to Halifax, Nova Scotia to St. John’s, Newfoundland, the revolutionary elements took up the slogan to join together to build one Party of the proletariat, a genuine Marxist-Leninist party, a revolutionary Party, a conscious vanguard of the proletariat which is capable of leading the revolutionary class struggle. During this period, all the revisionist and opportunist trends were in total disarray. They had no place to go. If we go into the history of the period of creating the conditions to establish the Party, the period of founding the Party in 1970 and opposing all the attacks of the state, of the revisionists and opportunists, we find that those elements who were opposed to the dissemination of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought in the 1960’s, those elements who stood as reactionary die-hards against the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, those elements who opposed the popularization of the revolutionary significance of the struggle in Indochina, and were popularizing revisionism, reformism and terrorism, those elements who were opposed to the building of the Party in 1970, these elements who actually collaborated with the state and collaborated with the reactionaries to make sure the Party was crushed, it is these elements who got together in the 1974-1975 period and they did so at the instigation of the two superpowers, at the instigation of international opportunism, at the instigation of the theoreticians of the theory of “three worlds” and they do not open their mouths these days without swearing that they are the “followers of Mao Tsetung”.
What did the opportunists say when they had their second debut? They said, dear representatives of the two superpowers, of international opportunism and the Canadian bourgeoisie, we have been mistaken in the past. We cannot oppose Marxism-Leninism in a straightforward fashion so please accept our self-criticism and from now on we will be “Marxist-Leninists” and, disguised as such, we will oppose CPC(M-L), our main enemy. These elements, which emanate from various disintegrating strata of the society, are adventurists and they are upstarts. They are all very keen to take up any venture which will give them some political currency and postpone the day when they become completely politically extinct. It was no accident that in the 1974-1975 period, these individuals quite shamelessly came up and said that they had been opportunists in the past but they offered “self-criticism” and had now become “Marxist-Leninists”. But history has its own logic and in a matter of two years only it showed them up for what they really are - straightforward opportunists just like they were prior to the 1974-1975 period.
The most important thing for our movement in Canada is to try to grasp, to understand, concrete facts as to what is the basis for these kinds of trends to come up, why they come up and what kind of role they can play. In 1971, in Montreal, we had a disruption caused by various elements in the Party circles there. It is a very opportune moment to talk about this because at this time the police – the RCMP and the army included – are all confessing that they participated in actually disrupting the revolutionary movement in this country. Whenever they talk about sabotaging and infiltrating groups, they talk about their attempts to subvert the Marxist-Leninists against whom they carried out a large amount of surveillance, sabotage and subversion. We have been saying repeatedly for the last six years that in 1971, the disruption in Montreal was caused by the RCMP in collaboration with the CIA and that they organized this subversion and sabotage under the general programme they launched at the time called “Operation Chaos”, and that they had straightforward police elements who mastered the revisionist and opportunist lines and masqueraded as “Marxist-Leninists”, as “revolutionaries”, etc. in order to subvert the building of the Party and the development of the class struggle. They have been causing splits and divisions and inciting the people to attack the Marxist-Leninists, attack CPC(M-L). We have been telling the entire world that right from 1968 on, any serious elements, any revolutionary elements who had the genuine interest of the proletarian revolution in mind and who were loyal to Marxism-Leninism, joined the Party. It was only the agents provocateurs and police elements who carried on sabotaging the work of the Party. A large amount of information has now come to light about the sabotage and disruption that was organized by the alliance of the RCMP and the CIA under the heading of “Operation Chaos” in 1971 in Montreal. But there was one aspect we were confused about in 1971 – that is that those who disrupted the Party had links not only with the RCMP and the CIA but also with the right opportunists and the modern revisionists. This link has now been totally revealed. The group of individuals who called themselves “Afro-Asians’’ and who advanced the slogan that they were ”anti-imperialists“ but not Marxist-Leninists, produced an article in 1971 in the newspaper called Solidarity, organ of the Afro-Asian Latin American People’s Solidarity Movement, which was supposed to commemorate the anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. When we analyzed this issue of Solidarity, we pointed out that it did not reflect the line of the Afro-Asian Latin American People’s Solidarity Movement. So, when they refused to withdraw it, we, in a matter of a few months, waged a fierce struggle and, in January 1972, wrote an article entitled “Down With the Left-Sloganeering Front of Khrushchovite Revisionism” denouncing it. The link between these elements and the right opportunists and the modern revisionists has now been revealed in 1977. An article, dated November 4, 1977 [6] which is being circulated by the theoreticians of the theory of “three worlds” and is available to the comrades with our initial criticism and repudiation of it, contains all the counter-revolutionary revisionist lies which were in that issue of Solidarity in 1971. And when the comrades read this article as well as our criticism and the article “Down With the Left-Sloganeering Front of Khrushchovite Revisionism” [7], they will find that the basic analysis of the two articles is the same. In six years it has been exposed that the revisionists in China have been directly interfering with the communist movement in our country and collaborating with the RCMP and the CIA to sabotage it. And it is the same kind of sabotage which is carried out by Khrushchov revisionism and its followers. For a long time now in North America, the “friendship” societies have been carrying out the propaganda that the Marxist-Leninists are “ultra-leftists”. There has a|so been propaganda that the rightists in China were embarrassed by the activities of the Marxist-Leninists here. If we look at the experience of the other parties, for example, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), we find that right in 1971, in fact the very month that activity started against us here, it started against CPI(M-L) in India. That was the month of November 1971. We find that that is the time the opportunists appear on the Indian scene, using the name of China and attacking everything for which the Indian revolutionary forces laid down their lives. Most importantly, they opposed and slandered and vilified the great work of the leader of CPl(M-L), Comrade Charu Mazumdar who had a long history of opposing revisionism and who led the smashing up of the “parliamentary and peaceful road” in India. The exploits of the comrades who organized the Naxalbari events, the exploits of the comrades who organized the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) and later carried on the struggle – these exploits are immortal. But all the opportunists vilified these. They denounced these. They used quotations from here and there and they talked about how various people like Comrade Charu Mazumdar were not following Chairman Mao, etc. And within a matter of six years, in this Janata Party democracy in India, all of them were participating in elections and preserving the “parliamentary and peaceful road to socialism”. They are greater supporters of revisionism than the revisionists themselves. Satya Narayan Singh has been openly exposed as the agent of the comprador bureaucrat capitalist class and the big landlords in India and of the two superpowers. Of course, in 1971 their conspiracy was not exposed. This is why our Party carried out an irreconcilable struggle against revisionism and opportunism of all hues, in order to tear the masks off their ugly faces. We paid attention to the classics, to the experience of the International Communist Movement, the polemics against Khrushchov revisionism, as well as to the experience of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and to the experience of the PLA in leading socialist revolution and socialist construction and to the experience of the workers’ and communist movement of our own country and vigorously defended the purity of Marxism-Leninism and upheld the principles of proletarian internationalism.
During this period, also, propaganda was carried out by the opportunists that revolution was impossible in the West. Then, in 1974, open attacks were launched on the Great October Socialist Revolution and on the life and work of Comrade Stalin. These attacks were launched by the opportunists all under the guise that they were “friends” of China. Jack Scott wrote a pamphlet entitled Two Roads [8]. In this pamphlet he made no distinction between Marxism and imperialism. He made no distinction between the foreign policy of the Great Soviet Union under the leadership of Comrades Lenin and Stalin and that of the Khrushchov-Brezhnev renegade clique.
The past six years have completely revealed the connection between the revisionists and opportunists of all hues and the ideology of the RCMP, CIA, KGB and the ideology of all reaction. These opportunists who have an appetite for the ideology of the espionage services of the two superpowers and the imperialists and reactionaries of the entire world have never made a radical rupture with the old outlook, the bourgeois world outlook. Some of them are incapable of making this necessary break. Others do not want to do so and a small section, the leading and the most disruptive section, are actually paid representatives of the espionage services of the two superpowers and other imperialists and the reactionaries of the whole world. Our Party has faced all their diabolical schemes with courage and defended Marxism-Leninism firmly and in an all-sided manner.
Over the years, much noise has been made on the question of “recognition” of this or that party by this or that party. On the basis of this noise about “recognition”, the revisionists and opportunists of all hues have been creating a big fog on the central issue, that is the issue of either basing one’s strategy on the theory and programme of Marxism-Leninism or basing it on revisionist and opportunist theories. For us, Marxism-Leninism is the most authoritative thing there is and our radical departure from all revisionist and opportunist strategy is that we base our strategy on the theory and programme of Marxism-Leninism. Some people with ulterior motives are suggesting that we are being “metaphysicians” and are chasing “abstractions”. Far from it. We are defending the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism while our accusers are abandoning them. This is the issue.
As far as the question of recognition is concerned all genuine Marxist-Leninist parties and the revolutionary forces recognize one another because our strategy is based on the same theory and programme and we are fighting against the same enemy. Whether to be Marxist-Leninist or not is the central question in terms of “recognition”. Our accusers chide us that we are not “recognized” by such and such a party. But the issue is that it is we who do not recognize those who are traitors to Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. For example, we recognized Chairman MaoTsetung’s Communist Party of China and we still do so and our Party is the fraternal Party of this Party in Canada. But we do not recognize various revisionist and opportunist elements who fancy themselves as the “successors” and “followers” of Chairman Mao Tsetung, especially Teng Hsiao-ping, condemned by the great Party of Chairman Mao for fanning the right deviationist wind. To recognize Teng Hsiao-ping is to betray the Communist Party of China which Chairman Mao founded and led, and to espouse revisionism and opportunism of all hues. We will never give recognition to the likes of Teng Hsiao-ping and we will not be cowed down or intimidated by the nefarious attacks and blackmail organized by his followers. We consider them as revisionist and opportunist gangsters, servants of the two superpowers and all reaction. Our struggle against imperialism, led by the two superpowers, and all reactionaries will be humbug if we do not firmly carry out struggle against modern revisionism and all its currents and against opportunism of all hues, including the new opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds”.
Engels pointed out in 1872-73: “Authority, in the sense in which the word is used here, means: the imposition of the will of another upon ours; on the other hand, authority presupposes subordination.” [9] Our Party accepts voluntarily and with revolutionary fervour the authority of the theory and programme of Marxism-Leninism while it subordinates mercilessly all the bourgeois and revisionist and opportunist theories. In the implementation of this correct line, our Party has always recognized the revolutionary authority of the most authoritative leaders, that is, Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao Tsetung and Comrade Enver Hoxha. This is why our Party is based on the theory expounded and developed by these great revolutionary leaders. But revisionists and opportunists of all hues attempt to subordinate Marxism-Leninism to all forms of bourgeois ideology, to revise, emasculate and distort it, and they give themselves the authority to carry this out while they themselves are subordinated to all forms of bourgeois ideology. This further explains why all revisionist and opportunist trends create maximum bourgeois illusions in the working class and communist movement and introduce every bourgeois prejudice there. Who to submit to and who to impose our will on is a class question. The bourgeoisie “creates a world after its own image” [10] and so does the proletariat. But the revisionists and opportunists of all hues try to reconcile this sharp antagonism between the interests of the two antagonistic classes and float their “creative” and “concrete” theories which they claim are the “best” because these are the most “feasible” under the “concrete conditions”. Thus they make no distinction between Marxism and imperialism and they actually become the willing tools of imperialism and all reaction.
Our accusers have become so bankrupt that they attempt to explain away phenomena by mystifying the actual facts of life. For example, one such sect of accusers explains away the correct line of our Party, which criticizes and repudiates the revisionism and opportunism of Teng Hsiao-ping and his cohorts in China, on the basis that our Party did this because we are not “recognized” by the revisionists and opportunists in China. Thus a central issue, the outcome of which will decide the destiny of millions and millions of people all over the globe – that is the issue of the rise of the new international opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds” – is reduced to the issue of whether or not our Party is “recognized” by the revisionists and opportunists in China. The real issue is that we have always supported the Communist Party of China led by Chairman Mao Tsetung and this support has always been based on the fact that the Communist Party of China was defending the purity of Marxism-Leninism and was in the van of the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement against modern revisionism and all its currents. This cannot be said of Teng Hsiao-ping and his cohorts and it will be a grave betrayal of the international proletariat and the cause of the oppressed nations and people to keep quiet and not criticize and repudiate revisionism and opportunism of all hues. The sect which is mystifying these facts is a conciliator with revisionism and opportunism of all hues. This is why, on one hand, it “opposes” the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds”, while, on the other hand, it is prostrate in front of the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds” and is committed to split and sabotage the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement.
The revisionists and opportunists of all hues take up the question of “recognition” and “authority” in the formal sense only. If we follow the logic of these opportunists then we can say that the reason why we denounce the two superpowers is because the two superpowers do not recognize us and furthermore, we oppose the capitalist system and the reactionary bourgeoisie because the capitalist system and the reactionary bourgeoisie do not recognize us. And, finally, of course, we denounce revisionism and opportunism of all hues because revisionism and opportunism of all hues do not recognize us. And the entire argument can betaken up from the other side – the reason why the revisionists and opportunists of all hues are in the service of imperialism and reaction is because revisionism and opportunism of all hues is recognized by imperialism and all reaction. And where does this sect stand in this equation? They do not denounce Teng Hsiao-ping and his cohorts and their gangster agents in Canada because Teng Hsiao-ping and his cohorts and their gangster agents recognize them. Fine company, this sect is in! So the issue boils down to this. If imperialism led by the two superpowers, and all reactionaries and the revisionists and opportunists of all hues ever decide to get rid of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, and our Party which is based on it, the only thing they have to do is to recognize Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, then they will get rid of our Party and everything will be hunky dory. What a sorry state these opportunists are in!
What lessons do we draw from the splittist and counter-revolutionary activities which have been carried out by the espionage services of the two superpowers in alliance with the revisionists and opportunists of all hues? The first lesson we draw from this counter-revolutionary activity organized by the espionage services in alliance with revisionism and opportunism of all hues over the past six years is that we must remain loyal to the theory of Marxism-Leninism, defend its purity, uphold proletarian internationalism and wage an irreconcilable struggle against modern revisionism and all of its currents and opportunism of all hues including the new international opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds”, as a component part of the class struggle against the two superpowers, against the reactionary bourgeoisie and against all vacillating and conciliatory elements within the Party. This is the first lesson we draw and it is decisive for the proletariat’s historic task of overthrowing capitalism and building socialism that the Party never forgets this lesson. Our Party has stood the test of the past seven years since its founding and only by implementing its correct line of waging struggle against revisionism and opportunism of all hues as a component part of the struggle against the main enemy has it been able to lead and strengthen itself by purging itself of all vacillating and conciliating elements. If the Party had made any concessions on this basic question then the Party would have been led astray and the cause of the international proletariat would have been harmed.
The ideology of revisionism and opportunism of all hues is part of the official ideology of the two superpowers and the reactionaries of the world. The ideologues of revisionism and opportunism are respected by the two superpowers and their writings find wide circulation through the official channels. The writings of the revisionist and opportunist ideologues receive wide publicity and recognition and get on the formal curriculum of the bourgeois universities where they are used to poison the minds of the students. Furthermore, there is a link between the labour aristocrats, high trade union officials, university professors and the espionage services of the two superpowers along with the organs of imperialist propaganda. Together these social strata promote the ideology of revisionism and opportunism of all hues as a component part of the ideology of imperialism led by the two superpowers. The bourgeois press nicely brands them as “moderates” while the Marxist-Leninists are shown in most demonic colours and presented as “extremists” who want to destroy their way of life and the method of holding property and of governing as they know it. Deliberate propaganda is carried out to distort the point of view of the Marxist-Leninists while privileges and positions are accorded to the “moderates”. The leaders of the Marxist-Leninist party are maligned through the basest form of slander and every attempt is made to discredit them in the eyes of the revolutionary masses. This nefarious activity is orchestrated jointly by the labour aristocrats, university professors, espionage services and revisionists and opportunists of all hues and together they conspire to frame up the revolutionary leaders. The only way our Party can firmly frustrate all their efforts of sabotage and splitting is by firmly adhering to and basing its strategy on the theory of Marxism-Leninism. There is no other way our Party can lead the proletariat to fulfil its historic aim of overthrowing capitalism and ending exploitation of man by man.
The second lesson our Party has learned is that we must vigorously carry out our activities on the basis of the correctness of our own political line and the solidity of our own organization. Our Party faces all forms of attack on this question. Besides raising the question of our Party not being “recognized” by this or that party, the revisionists and opportunists of all hues also fight that the Party should be a “federation”, that it should not be based on the principles of democratic centralism and that in place of criticism-self-criticism as part of the revolutionary style of the Party, there should be “freedom of criticism” etc., etc. Finally, they invoke the name of a certain authoritative leader of the international communist movement and accuse the Party of not following him. Through various diabolical schemes, and by making use of sophistry, they attempt to incite the revolutionary forces to attack the revolutionary leadership of the Party. For example, when Chairman Mao Tsetung was alive these revisionists and opportunists of all hues did not accept his revolutionary authority and vilified him. They were his sworn enemies. After his death, they are trying to distort the teachings of Chairman Mao and are now posing to the world as his sworn “disciples” and “successors”. The new international opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds” is invoking the name of Chairman Mao Tsetung in order to sully it and push an opportunist line by pretendingthat it is the line of Chairman Mao Tsetung. Our Party withstood all this blackmail over the past seven years and is courageously opposing all distortions of Marxism-Leninism carried out by those who adopt the guise of being “followers” of Mao Tsetung.
We base our revolutionary work on our own efforts. At the same time, we submit to the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao Tsetung and Comrade Enver Hoxha and firmly oppose every revision, distortion and emasculation of them. To submit to the Marxist-Leninist theory and to base our strategy on it is not a matter of submitting our class and the nation to foreign slavery but is an act of liberation and emancipation from all old ideas and a radical rupture with these ideas. Our revolution needs Marxism-Leninism. It cannot be organized on the basis of either any form of bourgeois ideology including revisionist and opportunist forms nor can it make any progress by basing revolutionary strategy on the conclusions drawn by speculating on Marxism-Leninism.
The third lesson our Party has learnt is that we must always pay attention to the concrete conditions prevailing in the country and on the world scale and make a concrete analysis of these conditions and never submit to any pressure or blackmail from the revisionists and opportunists of all hues. Paying attention to the correct line of concrete analysis of concrete conditions is to avoid making any fatal mistakes in our strategy and tactics. The fatal mistake which must be avoided at all costs is to vacillate on the question of theory and programme of Marxism-Leninism. Marx and Engels, in their immortal document the Manifesto of the Communist Party teach: “Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature; it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.” [11] The great leaders of the international proletariat further point out that the “history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles” [12] and that “A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of Communism” [13]. This concrete analysis of the society is now abandoned by revisionists and opportunists of all hues includingthe new international opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds” who neither place the international proletariat at the centre of our epoch nor consider class struggle as the motive force and who do not believe that the “spectre of Communism” is haunting the entire world, especially the capitalist and the revisionist world.
Comrade Stalin, in his celebrated work Foundations of Leninism, pointed out: “Leninism grew up and took shape under the conditions of imperialism, when the contradictions of capitalism had reached an extreme point, when the proletarian revolution had become an immediate practical question, when the old period of preparation of the working class for revolution had come up and passed over to a new period, that of direct assault on capitalism.” [14] He characterized Leninism as the “Marxism of the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution”.
Comrade Lenin pointed out that the “chief thing in the doctrine of Marx is that it brings out the historic role of the proletariat as the builder of socialist society” [15] and that “Marxism is the theory of the proletarian movement for emancipation”. [16] He characterized imperialism as “the eve of the socialist revolution” [17].
To be really concrete today is to defend these teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. Marx analyzed the entire historical trend and pointed out in 1852: “Long before me bourgeois historians had described the historical development of this class struggle and bourgeois economists the economic anatomy of the classes. What I did that was new was to prove: 1) that the existence of classes is only bound up with particular historical phases in the development of production, 2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat, 3) that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society.” [18]
There are those today for whom neither do the classes exist in the concrete, nor does the class struggle exist as the motive force, and for them the dictatorship of the proletariat does not constitute the transition period, an entire historical epoch. They do not put the proletariat at the centre of our epoch and they are distorting the “chief thing in the doctrine of Marx” that the proletariat is the builder of the socialist society and for them Marxism is not “the theory of the proletarian movement for emancipation”. To be concrete today is to uphold the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism and to oppose any revision, distortion and emasculation of it. Our Party always considered the question of “concrete analysis of concrete conditions” from the Marxist-Leninist point of view. For us, the rise of revisionism, the degeneration of the old Party and its turning into a revisionist and a reformist party was a very concrete condition that prevailed on the world scale. We considered revisionism as the main danger to the international working class and communist movement. Opposition to revisionism, the recognition of revisionism as the main danger to the working class movement and the communist movement, upholding the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, building the Party on the basis of criticism and repudiation of revisionism and opportunism of all hues and on the basis of defence of the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism and the defence of socialism and dictatorship of the proletariat is the only concrete work a genuine Marxist-Leninist could undertake which would advance the revolutionary movement and put it on the correct course and which is concrete analysis of concrete conditions. But the revisionists and opportunists of all hues did not consider this historic work as concrete. For them to defend the purity of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism and to criticize and repudiate revisionism and opportunism of all hues is to repeat “universal truths”, to chase “abstractions” and to suffer from “metaphysics”.
The revisionists and opportunists of all hues in Canada including the new international opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds” push the counter-revolutionary theory of Canadian exceptionalism. For example, in the 1974-75 period our accusers in Canada considered the Canadian state to be “bourgeois democratic” and that the “material conditions” were neither ripe for revolution today nor were conditions ripe in the 1960’s, nor in the 1930’s. They pushed the counter-revolutionary line of “independent” Marxism and appealed to the liberal and bourgeois conscience to attack the Party. They completely abandoned Marxism-Leninism and converted it into a matter of discussion and debate. They did not consider revisionism as the main danger to the working class and communist movement under the hoax that in Canada it was not “too strong”, thus not a main danger, etc.
Lenin pointed out a long time ago that imperialism is “reaction all along the line”. [19] Life experience from the time of Lenin has proven the correctness of this analysis. It was imperialism which brought forth fascism and nazism against communism and against the cause of national liberation and which led to the inter-imperialist Second World War and then to the anti-fascist world war. It was imperialism which carried out the fascist and nazi theories – the anti-communist, racist and anti-working class theories – with the U.S. imperialists as the leaders of this world-wide reactionary and genocidal crusade against humanity after the Second World War. Now the two superpowers, the leaders of imperialism and all reactionaries of the world are carrying out the same fascist and nazi criminal activities against the proletariat and the people of the world. But for the revisionists and opportunists of all hues, Canada was “bourgeois democratic” and all the attacks which the reactionary bourgeoisie launches against the proletariat and people of our country and against the proletariat and people of other countries should not be correctly referred to as fascist, reactionary, etc. For these revisionists and opportunists, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is not the most brutal and barbaric thing there is under the conditions of imperialism but it remains “bourgeois democratic”. And on the question of “material conditions are not ripe for revolution”, their real chauvinism and its ugly features are clearly exposed. How is it possible that revolution could take place in such a country which is so “bourgeois democratic”, where the proletariat and people are exposed to such a “high standard of living” and, of course, the “cultured” people never undertake such nasty actions as revolution, etc. These individuals and groups carried out vicious open propaganda against the proletariat and proletarian revolution in the 1960’s and their second debut in 1974-75 was merely the more polished and refurbished version. The chauvinists in Canada openly advance the counter-revolutionary line that the only geographic area where revolution is possible is in Asia, Africa and Latin America and it suits them well when the right opportunists in China are also pushing the same counter-revolutionary line. “Afro-Asians and Latin Americans are more revolutionary than the proletariat in the capitalist-revisionist countries” is the form of chauvinism through which the rotting capitalist system, the capitalist system at its highest stage is defended. Under the hoax of a “changed” world situation and basing themselves on “new data”, the revisionists and opportunists of all hues justify their total servility to imperialism led by the two superpowers. Theirdisgusting performance isextremely pleasing to the imperialists and reactionaries of the whole world who popularize these counter-revolutionary political lines as a component part of their reactionary propaganda. Our Party vigorously fought all these revisionists and opportunists during the past seven years and defended the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism.
On the question of the “main contradiction” in Canada, the revisionists and opportunists of all hues made a big hullabaloo that the main contradiction is between the “bourgeoisie and the proletariat” and advanced the reactionary slogan “class against class”. This slogan “class against class” may look very revolutionary but it is on this question the utter putrefaction and bankruptcy of revisionism and opportunism of all hues is exposed. First, these individuals and groups do not consider that “material conditions are ripe for revolution”. If this is the case then what is this nonsense about “class against class”? What is the content of the sophism “class against class”? Comrade Stalin points out that “a new period, that of direct assault on capitalism” has already arrived, but for the revisionists and opportunists, “the material conditions” are still not ripe for revolution. Furthermore, the entire history since the Great October Revolution is the history of the direct assaults of the working class on capitalism which created the world of socialism and of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Are we to suppose that the entire era has undergone such changes that from the “new period, that of direct assault on capitalism”, it has been metamorphosed into “the old period of preparation of the working class for revolution”? We know that for the revisionists and opportunists of all hues, the “old period” contains all the blessings of capitalism and it is consistent with their yearnings for “peace” and “detente” and “postponing war for another twenty years” but the actual facts of life are a cruel negation and repudiation of their quest for peace on earth and goodwill amongst men. It does not matter how much these chauvinist and exceptionalist theories are advanced, the objective fact remains the same – that this part of the world is also in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution and it reflects all the contradictions and struggles of this era.
Thus the slogan “class against class” is merely a ruse, a posture to fool the innocent and excite the naive. The tactics of the proletariat are not “class against class” but the proletariat overthrowing the rule of the bourgeoisie by mobilizing all who can be mobilized on the basis of a political programme which will solve the crisis facing the society as a result of the contradictions inherent in the capitalist system. Here the question of leadership, as to who will lead the society out of this crisis and who will solve the problems facing the society, is the central issue. Who will lead? The proletariat or the bourgeoisie? The proletariat faces the reactionary bourgeoisie composed of the native monopoly capitalists and those of the U.S. and it faces the barbaric attacks of the reactionary bourgeoisie and the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis onto its back. It faces immiseration and spiritual and cultural devastation as a result of the all-sided political, social and cultural crisis of capitalism with the economic crisis as its base. When the proletariat faces the reactionary bourgeoisie and its moribund capitalist system and its barbaric rule, it comes forth through its genuine Marxist-Leninist party as the leader of the society, as the only thoroughly revolutionary class and the class which has solutions to the crisis. It fulfils its leading role by leading all sections and strata of the society who are also oppressed and who are also in revolt against the barbarism and cruelty of the dying capitalist system and of the rule of the reactionary bourgeoisie. It mobilizes and inspires the entire populace in the society save a tiny section, the bourgeoisie and its hirelings and impregnates the people with the revolutionary ideals and with inspiration. Thus the proletariat ascends the historical stage “as the builder of socialist society” and as the emancipator of mankind. For the proletariat to play its leading role and to be victorious over its powerful adversary, it must have strategy and tactics which are based on the theory and programme of Marxism. It must wage all forms of class struggle against the main enemy, arouse all the oppressed sections of the society and unite them in one big revolt of the masses which will smash the last resistance put up by the obsolescent forces of the society. Thus the tactics of the proletariat are not “class against class” in the abstract and sophistic sense the revisionists and opportunists of all hues present, but the proletariat leading all the oppressed sections of the society against its main enemy. The main enemy of the proletariat and people in Canada is the reactionary bourgeoisie and U.S. imperialism. The proletariat faces double exploitation, exploitation by native and foreign capital. The proletariat is the leadingand the main force but monopoly capital, both native and foreign, also exploits other social strata and sections and these strata and sections are also in revolt against the main enemy. The correct Leninist analysis of the concrete conditions in Canada is that the main contradiction in Canada is between the reactionary bourgeoisie and the Canadian people, that the leading and the main force of revolution is the proletariat and that the proletariat can only lead if it has its own political party, the political party which is thoroughly revolutionary in its political content and in style, which wages an irreconcilable struggle against all revisionist and reformist distortions and which is capable of utilizing all oppositional trends and is able to lead all the oppositional trends in one revolutionary storm against the main enemy. Only a genuinely Marxist-Leninist party can play such a role. Thus the defence of the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism is a component part of the overall strategy and tactics of such a party.
Comrade Enver Hoxha teaches: “The present situation in the international communist movement resembles the heroic period in which Marx and Engels struggled and worked. The world proletariat, we Marxist-Leninists, must return to, and study, the doctrine of Marx and Engels, their strategy and tactics of struggle and victory. Marx and Engels are no longer alive, but their doctrine lives on, and it should guide us. They are our irreplaceable leaders.” [20] But the revisionists and opportunists of all hues, far from studying the doctrine of Marx and Engels, their strategy and tactics, have constituted themselves as a counter-revolutionary force, part of the arsenal of imperialism led by the two superpowers, against the revolutionary forces and against the genuine Marxist-Leninist parties, against the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialism. They are revising, distorting and emasculating the immortal teachings of Marx and Engels and they have abandoned any pretence to follow Marxism under the hoax of “changed situation” etc., etc. The degeneration and putrefaction of revisionism ; opportunism is such that it is no longer easy to make any distinction between what they support and what imperialism and reaction led by the two superpowers need. Revisionism and opportunism of all hues have now divided into two distinct groupings, one supporting one superpower and the other supporting the other superpower. It is very simple for the espionage services of the two superpowers and other imperialists and reactionaries and for the official ideologues and the reactionary trade union leaders and highly paid university professors to pose as “Marxist-Leninists”, “revolutionaries”, etc. and serve either one superpower or the other and the imperialists and reactionaries of various countries. How does the political line of the new opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds” oppose imperialism and reactionaries when it prettifies and applauds the superpower which has been “weakened”, the imperialists who allegedly have the “interest” to fight the superpowers, and the reactionary bourgeoisie of various oppressed nations who are allegedly fighting the “hegemonism” of the two superpowers and especially that of one superpower? It does not matter how much demagogy and deceit is brought into its service, the revisionists and opportunists of all hues cannot hide the fact of life that they are a component part of the global counter-revolutionary strategy of imperialism led by the two superpowers.
Today, much noise is made about this or that “socialist” country. The Soviet social-imperialists even have a “socialist” camp and the leaders of the new international opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds” even boast that the Titoite revisionists are building a “self-reliant economy” and “socialism” and safeguarding their “independence”. These opportunists go so far as to suggest there is even “non-aligned” socialism and “socialism” which is part of the “third world”. All this noise is made to hide their treachery and to fool the revolutionary masses. Socialism is only one world system, which is scientific socialism as enunciated by the great revolutionary leaders of the world proletariat, Marx and Engels. The fundamental laws of socialism are applicable everywhere but the form it may take may differ. There is no such thing as “non-aligned” socialism and the Soviet social-imperialists are as much “socialists” as any other imperialists and reactionaries of the world. Titoite revisionists are not socialists and Yugoslavia is not a socialist country. The only genuinely socialist country today on the world scale is the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania. The People’s Republic of China is socialist but the socialism there is in danger because the revisionists and right opportunists have seized control of the Party and state there. A genuine socialist country is a liberated base area of world revolution and is the homeland of the world proletariat. The People’s Socialist Republic of Albania is such a country. Those who fancy themselves as “socialists” but are neither defending Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism nor providing moral and material support for the proletarian revolution and the national liberation movement cannot be called socialist. The issue of genuine socialism and the defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat in a country is not just a matter for the proletariat of that country but a matter for the international proletariat. There cannot be real defence of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat if it is detached from the world proletarian revolution of which it is part and its’ victory. There are those who are taking the question of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat lightly and who keep on repeating the erroneous view that there are various socialist countries. It suits the revisionists and opportunists just fine if we create illusions about them and if we do not point out openly that these countries are not genuinely socialist countries. Those who do not see proletarian revolutions in the capitalist-revisionist world cannot be called socialist nor can it be said that they are defending socialism in their own countries and are consolidating dictatorship of the proletariat there. There are those who are pushing non-class politics and non-class socialism under the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds”. Lenin has some good advice for them. Lenin said: “After the experience both of Europe and Asia, anyone who speaks of non-class politics and non-class socialism, ought simply to be put in a cage and exhibited alongside the Australian Kangaroo or something like that.” [21]
Comrade Enver Hoxha points out: “Proletarian internationalism is the ideology of the proletariat, is one of the most powerful weapons and a condition for the triumph of the revolution and the construction of communism. It is an indivisible whole, and there are not several kinds of internationalism, one Soviet, one Italian, one Yugoslav, one French, etc., as the revisionists claim. There is one, and only one, kind of real internationalism’, wrote Lenin as early as April 1917, ’and that is working wholeheartedly for the development of the revolutionary movement and the revolutionary struggle in one’s own country, and supporting (by propaganda, sympathy, and material aid) this struggle, this, and only this, line, in every country without exception’.” [22]
Those who have betrayed revolution in their own countries, those who are weakening the dictatorship of the proletariat and are rigging up the capitalist system, those who maraud like imperialists and participate in “feasible” politics and those who have abandoned proletarian revolution on the level of theory cannot be practising proletarian internationalism and we cannot call these countries socialist and consider their internationalism as serving the cause of the international proletariat.
Our Party will continue on the course illuminated by the theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao Tsetung and Comrade Enver Hoxha and will continue to oppose revisionism and opportunism of all hues as a component part of the struggle against the reactionary bourgeoisie and the two superpowers. We will continue on the path opened up by the Great October Revolution and will continue to defend socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat in the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania. The lessons drawn through our own experience are extremely valuable to us and to hold these lessons tight and to carry out our revolutionary practice under their guidance is to advance to victory. We will continue to defend the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism; we will continue to believe in the solidity of our own organization and in the correctness of our own political line and we will carry on along the correct road of concrete analysis of concrete conditions. This is the only way forward for our Party. It cannot be otherwise. We are certain that our fraternal relations with other parties and revolutionary forces will keep on strengthening on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism and we will carry on providing moral and material support to the national liberation movements by strictly keeping in mind the class interests of the international proletariat within the general orientation and scope of the world proletarian revolution. (Long applause and standing ovation.)
In his celebrated work “In Memory of Norman Bethune”, Chairman Mao Tsetung points out: “Leninism teaches that the world revolution can only succeed if the proletariat of the capitalist countries supports the struggle for liberation of the colonial and semi-colonial peoples and if the proletariat of the colonies and semi-colonies supports that of the capitalist countries.” [23] We firmly stand with this formulation of proletarian internationalism of Chairman Mao Tsetung as he correctly puts the proletariat at the centre of world revolution. Comrade Enver Hoxha in the Report Submitted to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania points out that “In the phrase ’proletarian internationalism’ only the term proletarian links internationalism indissolubly with the world proletariat, links it in unity of struggle against the capitalist bourgeoisie, against the trusts and monopolies, against imperialism and social-imperialism. Proletarian internationalism is the unity of thought and action of the proletariat of each country in particular and of the world proletariat in general, for the purpose of overthrowing the old capitalist world by violence, smashing the power of the bourgeoisie to its foundations, and becoming the masters of means of production and everything else that serves the capitalists for the exploitation of man by man.” [24] Comrade Enver Hoxha further points out: “Proletarian internationalism is the ideology of the proletariat, is one of the most powerful weapons and a condition for the triumph of the revolution and the construction of communism. It is an indivisible whole, and there are not several kinds of internationalism, one Soviet, one Italian, one Yugoslav, one French, etc. as the revisionists claim.
“ ’There is one, and only one, kind of internationalism,’ wrote Lenin as early as April 1917, ’and that is working wholeheartedly for the development of the revolutionary movement and the revolutionary struggle in one’s own country, and supporting (by propaganda, sympathy and material aid) this struggle, this, and only this, line, in every country without exception.’ ” [25]
Those individuals and organizations who call themselves “followers” of Mao Tsetung, not only followers but “successors” of Mao Tsetung, they have forgotten this Leninist line, this fundamental principle of proletarian internationalism. Our Party rightly does not consider them Leninists but places them in the leading position of the new international opportunist trend emerging on the basis of the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds”. These theoreticians of “three worlds” pursue the most reactionary line of exceptionalism and national and social chauvinism. For them the Marxist-Leninist theory no longer is in vogue and for them the proletarian internationalist duty of supporting the international proletariat is no longer applicable. They shamelessly advance their own “interests” as the basis of unity of all Marxist-Leninist parties thus forcing these parties to submit to the baton of these right opportunists exactly in the same manner that Khrushchov tried to submit the genuine Marxist-Leninist parties to his baton. These national and social chauvinists have degenerated so far in their blackmail and swindle that they openly distort the correct views of Chairman Mao Tsetung and present him as an ordinary opportunist. For example, they put forward the erroneous view that “Consistently upholding proletarian internationalism, Chairman Mao formulated China’s line, principles and policies in foreign affairs and guided their implementation. He taught us to strengthen our unity with the socialist countries and with the proletariat and oppressed peoples and nations throughout the world and firmly support the revolutionary struggles of the peoples of all countries; he taught us to follow the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in developing relations with all countries.” [26] (emphasis ours) Chairman Mao advocated no such thing, as the relations between genuine socialist states where there is the rule of the dictatorship of the proletariat are based on Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism while the relations between countries with differing social systems are based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence. Furthermore, in dealing with the countries with differing social systems, distinction has to be made between oppressor and oppressed countries and aggressor and aggressed countries. This line of building relations with “all” countries on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence is the counter-revolutionary revisionist line of prostrating oneself in front of imperialism and social-imperialism and vilifying the genuinely socialist countries and liquidating the struggles of the proletariat and oppressed people everywhere.
As far as our Party is concerned, our Party is a detachment of the International Communist Movement, of the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. Our internationalism is proletarian internationalism. Our struggle is part of the international struggle of the proletariat against imperialism headed by the two superpowers, U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, and all kinds of reaction. And in terms of our struggle, even though it is confined within the borders of Canada, it is an international struggle and this international struggle cannot be waged by abandoning the basic principles of proletarian internationalism. Our unity with other Marxist-Leninist parties and groups is based on Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism and on no other “ism”. In essence the theory of exceptionalism and the line of national and social chauvinism is the line of abandonment of the struggle of the international proletariat against the two superpowers and the reactionary bourgeoisie of all countries and is the line of capitulation to one’s own reactionary bourgeoisie. As regards a socialist country, if such a line is adopted, as is being pushed by the right opportunists in China, this is the line of capitalist restoration at home and capitulation to imperialism and social-imperialism and all reaction abroad.
It doesn’t matter how many demagogic statements are issued. The fact remains that those people who are today talking about opposing one superpower, the “most dangerous” one, that is Soviet social-imperialism, they are actually national and social chauvinists. They are not proletarian internationalists. They are not Marxist-Leninists. In the same way, those people in neo-colonial countries or countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America who are detaching their struggle under one hoax or anotherand suggesting that the struggle against Soviet social-imperialism is the most important struggle for them - they are also suffering from national and social chauvinism. It is very important to grasp this fact that abandonment of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism is necessarily capitulation to imperialism and capitulation to one’s own bourgeoisie. In China those who are raising the question of having peace for the next twenty years so that they can have modernization of this, that or the other, they are capitulating to imperialism and they are participating in the plans for capitalist restoration in China.
The dictatorship of the proletariat has an international character. It is necessarily international. When a country successfully organizes a social revolution and establishes dictatorship of the proletariat there, that dictatorship belongs to the international proletariat and no one else. Even though this state of the dictatorship of the proletariat is confined in definite areas, even though this state does not threaten any other countries, even though this state is not a launching pad for some adventures abroad, at the same time, it is a state which belongs to the international proletariat and is the liberated base area of world revolution. Any state of the dictatorship of the proletariat which confines itself under the hoax of being non-aligned or under the hoax of being independent, is, in fact, necessarily a state which is a degeneration of the dictatorship of the proletariat or in opposition to the dictatorship of the proletariat. Both amount to the same thing.
“Workers of All Countries, Unite!” is the slogan of the international proletariat. The workers of all countries provide support to one another. This is why Marxand Engels established the First International, followed by the Second International, and the Third Communist International of Lenin and Stalin. And those who are opposing the Leninist line on this question are national and social chauvinists and their line for China is the line of capitalist restoration in China and capitulation to imperialism abroad. As far as their agent parties abroad are concerned, for example in ’Canada, we have individuals and groups who are giving the line of safeguarding the independence of Canada. The question of the independence of Canada, the question of overthrowing U.S. imperialist domination of Canada, is a proletarian question. Only the proletariat can sort out the issue of independence and this can be sorted out by organizing social revolution against the American and native bourgeoisie and the American domination of Canada. There is no such thing as safeguarding Canada’s independence in terms of supporting the bourgeoisie in Canada so it can defend itself. We are opposed to class collaboration and we are opposed to capitulation to imperialism. Those who have floated the theory of “three worlds”, they are participating in imperialist politics. According to them, there are “three” worlds, one world of capital, that is the two superpowers, then the second world of capital, that is the “second world” countries, and then you have the third world of capital, that is the “third world” countries. As far as the division on the basis of classes, on the basis of systems, is concerned, there are no “three worlds”. There is the world of socialism and there is the world of capitalism. And in this era, we are in transition from capitalism to communism, that is the historical trend. And in this historical trend, the national liberation movement is a reserve of the proletarian revolution, part of the proletarian revolution. The national liberation movement cannot be successful if it confines itself just to victory in the national democratic revolution and stops there. It will not bring genuine national liberation for the country.
At this time the international proletariat and all the Marxist-Leninist parties are faced with the definite task of opposing Khrushchov revisionism, opposing Titoite revisionism and this new international trend which is based on the theory of “three worlds”. Some comrades raise the issue that why is it that if these individuals, these theoreticians of the “three worlds” are revisionists, that they are so vociferous against Soviet social-imperialism. As far as we are concerned, this is a ruse, this is a fraud, this is a demagogic posture. Exactly the same kind of posture which Khrushchov had against U.S. imperialism. You remember Khrushchov threatening capitalism with all sorts of things. And under all these threats lay the collaboration of Khrushchov revisionism with U.S. imperialism, the betrayal of the international working class movement, the betrayal of the national liberation movement. It suits them very well that they can have all this noise against Soviet social-imperialism while at the same time supporting imperialism, because today on the world scale we have imperialism led by the two superpowers and in opposing imperialism we are opposed to the two superpowers as well as all other imperialist countries and the reactionary bourgeoisie of every country. And there cannot be a successful victory against what they call hegemonism of the two superpowers and the defeat of the war policies of the two superpowers until the time imperialism is overthrown. Lenin repeatedly pointed out that there cannot be a durable peace, there cannot be removal of the danger of war, as long as imperialism as a social system exists on the world scale. These individuals and groups who are talking about opposing hegemonism of the two superpowers are actually pushing this fraud in order to capitulate to imperialism and collaborate with their own bourgeoisie and so that they can participate in the inter-imperialist rivalry, inter-imperialist contradictions, that is, in imperialist politics. Our Party stands firmly opposed to participation in this kind of imperialist politics, which they have been promoting.
Comrade Lenin pointed out in July, 1916: “Today, the socialist proletariat, split into chauvinists, ’social-imperialists’, on the one hand, and revolutionaries, on the other, is confronted by an alliance of tsarist imperialism and advanced capitalist, European, imperialism, which is based on their common oppression of a number of nations.” [27]
Comrade Enver Hoxha pointed out in 1976: “Today, the world proletariat is not a single bloc, it is split by various bourgeois ideologies: capitalist, reformist, social-democratic, ’socialist’, revisionist, etc. All these different ideologies and political trends have the single objective: to split the proletariat, to prevent it from rallying and organizing itself into a great force as the grave-digger of capitalism that it is. Therefore, all these anti-Marxist ideologies and trends are props for local and international capital, are forces against the revolution, socialism and proletarian internationalism.” [28] We must defend the principles of proletarian internationalism and oppose all forms of national and social chauvinism arid defend the purity of Marxism-Leninism in the international struggle against the two superpowers and all imperialism and reaction.
Our Party was extremely pleased about the declaration of the eight Latin American parties when it was issued last year. We are extremely happy about the declaration of the five European parties. In between, internationalist rallies were held in Germany, Greece, Italy and Portugal. These internationalist rallies were highly applauded by the Marxist-Leninist parties and revolutionary forces. Of course, the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania was the greatest internationalist rally. From the time of the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania, much progress has been made on the question of the unity of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement and on the question of defending the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism. It is the view of our Party that the Marxist-Leninist Communist International is extremely necessary today. But the form it may take, the method which may be used to organize this International may differ from the way the Communist International existed in the past. Already a trend towards the existence of the Marxist-Leninist Communist International has begun today. We support the bilateral and multilateral discussions between Marxist-Leninist communist parties of the world. We support the joint declarations of various Marxist-Leninist communist parties and we are quite confident, absolutely certain, that this whole process will create the conditions for the Marxist-Leninist communist parties to get together and give birth to a new International, a Marxist-Leninist Communist International. The necessity of bilateral and multilateral discussions, the necessity of a Communist International, comes from the life experience of the Marxist-Leninist parties.
The opportunists and revisionists of all hues are doing large-scale propaganda that in one country you can have various Marxist-Leninist groups, various Marxist-Leninist parties, and in fact we remember when we used to have discussions, sort of heated fights, with the opportunist elements, and they used to come down to this level – that you have your Marxism-Leninism and we have ours. How can there be two organizations in one country which both call themselves Marxist-Leninist parties. There cannot be two organizations in one country which are genuinely Marxist-Leninist. And in recent history this promotion of having various Marxist-Leninist parties begins with the treachery, first of all, of Titoite revisionism and then of Khrushchov revisionism. Khrushchov revisionism was responsible for splitting every Marxist-Leninist party. And this split was engineered from Moscow and was organized in order to establish revisionist leadership over these parties. These Khrushchov revisionists tore up the declaration of the twelve parties issued in 1957 and of the eighty-one parties issued in 1960. They had no regard whatsoever for the Marxist-Leninist positions taken up during these two historic gatherings of Marxist-Leninist parties and the reason why they tore up the documents coming out of these gatherings was to split the communist parties in various countries, float the revisionist line there, use their agents as fifth columnists in order to collaborate with and capitulate to imperialism.
The same sort of thing has taken place now, this time led by the right opportunists, and the same phenomena is being seen today. By using various tricks and subterfuges, the right opportunists in China have been supporting the concept of many Marxist-Leninist groups and over the past six years lots of things have become very clear. We used to have discussion within the Party that this line of supporting several Marxist-Leninist groups in a country is a manoeuvre by this opportunist trend so that, on the one hand, they can say that they are for the unity of the Marxist-Leninist parties, they want Marxist-Leninist parties to unite with one another. At the same time, they have used this opportunity to float their agents everywhere. They used those people who were expelled from the communist parties, these renegades and traitors, to float these groups in order to establish a revisionist leadership over these parties. But the situation in the International Communist Movement has greatly advanced, to a far higher level, and the right opportunists will be dealt a death blow. And all this clamour about building the strategy on the basis of the “three worlds” and all this is being denounced by all genuine Marxist-Leninist parties on the world scale.
We oppose the splittist activities of revisionism and opportunism of all hues. Marxism-Leninism necessarily means a unifying trend. Marxist-Leninists are unifiers while the revisionists and opportunists are splitters. For the unity of the Marxist-Leninist parties all over the world, for the unity of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement, it is absolutely necessary that these exchanges between parties take place, that joint declarations be issued, which we are quite certain will create the conditions for an international Marxist-Leninist communist gathering which will point out the Marxist-Leninist political line suitable to all conditions all over the world. And we await this event with a great deal of enthusiasm and expectation. This will put an end to all the splittist activities by revisionists and opportunists of all hues.
To wait for such a historical moment means that our Party vigorously defends the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism and engages in bilateral and miltilateral discussions and firmly opposes modern revisionism and opportunism of all hues including the new international opportunist trend based on the anti-Leninist theory of “three worlds”. In other words, we vigorously participate in creating the conditions for the rise of this glorious Marxist-Leninist Communist International. It is the right opportunists in China and elsewhere and it is the modern revisionists and opportunists of all hues who need to hatch their theories in private and impose them on the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. But history has its own objective laws. Whoever attempts to debase and discredit Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism will end up disgracing themselves.
It is our view that first of all in one country there should be one Marxist-Leninist party. The second point is that the relations between fraternal parties should be on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. The third point is that no fraternal party should interfere in the internal affairs of others and pressure a fraternal party to change its political line or use other devices to split the unity of a fraternal party. The fourth point is that the relations between fraternal parties can only be forged in common struggle against revisionism and opportunism of all hues. We stand for the existence of such relations between fraternal parties. When our delegation visited the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania, we were at no time under any pressure from the Albanian Party in any way. They gave their views to us, which also can be read in the Political Report to the 7th Congress. We gave our views to them, which are also very well publicized. And we exchanged experiences on that basis. In terms of relations governing fraternal parties, there is no such thing as one big party and one little party. There is no such thing as one leading party and another led party. Even though historical development is such that some parties have an authoritative position, a position of prestige, a position of revolutionary experience, nonetheless, this prestige cannot be used to dominate other parties or to split the unity of other parties or the unity of the International Communist Movement. It is up to individual fraternal parties to assess one another. We assess the Party of Labour of Albania very highly. We consider the PLA as the leading party in the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. When we say leading party, this means that they are in the forefront of struggle in defence of the purity of Marxism-Leninism and the principles of proletarian internationalism. They are in the forefront of opposing revisionism and opportunism of all hues, and they are in the forefront of opposing imperialism led by the two superpowers and all reaction. That is all that we mean by this. By leading we do not mean that they send their circulars to all the parties and the other parties follow these circulars. The fact that we recognize the leading role of the PLA does not mean at all that we are a led party. Our Party bases itself on the solidity of its own organization and the correctness of its own political line. And when we declare, when we say to the world, that we consider the PLA as the leading party, it is our line and we will stick to it. Whether somebody else agrees with it or not is their business.
In terms of the place of the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania in the world proletarian revolution we say that the PSRA is the bastion of world proletarian revolution, its liberated base area. It provides tremendous political and moral support to the world proletarian revolution. Most importantly the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania, the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat in Albania, is opposed to the two superpowers, opposed to imperialism, opposed to revisionism, opposed to any kind of interference in the internal affairs of the PSRA. At the same time it sympathizes with and supports the revolutionary movement of the proletariat in the capitalist-revisionist world and the revolutionary movement of the proletariat in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. And to our estimation the place of the PSRA is the place of a leader in the world-wide struggle against imperialism and all reaction. It is the leader of the world proletarian revolution. The time may not be too far off when the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania will preside over the demise of imperialism and reaction on the world scale. (applause) (loud applause).
[1] Enver Hoxha, Report Submitted to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania, Norman Bethune Institute, Toronto, 1976, pp. 158-159.
[2] “Chairman Mao’s Theory of the Differentiation of the Three Worlds Is a Major Contribution to Marxism-Leninism”, Peking Review No. 45, November 4, 1977.
[3] Political Resolution of the Third Congress of CPC(M-L), p. 68.
[4] V.I. Lenin, “Declaration of the Editorial Board of Iskra”, Collected Works, Volume 4, p. 354.
[5] J.V. Stalin, Foundations of Leninism, Foreign Languages Press, Peking, 1975, p. 2.
[6] “Chairman Mao’s Theory of the Differentiation of the Three Worlds Is a Major Contribution to Marxism-Leninism”, Peking Review No. 45 November 4, 1977.
[7] “Down with the ’Left’-Sloganeering Front of Khrushohovite Revisionism”, People’s Canada Daily News Release, January 11, 1972.
[8] Jack Scott, Two Roads, The Origins of the Sino-Soviet Dispute, New Star Books and Canada-China Friendship Association, 1974.
[9] Frederick Engels, “On Authority”, Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1969, Volume 2, page 376.
[10] Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, Foreign Languages Press, Peking, 1970, p. 36.
[11] Ibid, p. 31.
[12] Ibid, p. 30.
[13] Ibid, p. 29.
[14] J V. Stalin, Foundations of Leninism, op. cit“ p. 4.
[15] V.I. Lenin, “The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx , Collected Works, Volume 18, p. 582.
[16] V.I. Lenin, “The Collapse of the Second International , Collected Works, Volume 21, p. 222.
[17] Cited in J.V. Stalin, foundations of Leninism, op. cit., p. 28.
[18] Karl Marx, “Letter to J. Weydemeyer, March 5,1882”, Marx and Engels, Selected Correspondence, Progress Publishers, Moscow, p. 86.
[19] V.l. Lenin, “Imperialism and the Split in Socialism”, Collected Works, Volume 23, p. 106.
[20] Enver Hoxha, Report Submitted to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania, op. cit., p. 238.
[21] V.I. Lenin, “The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx”, Collected Works, Volume 18, p. 585.
[22] Enver Hoxha, Report Submitted to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania, op. cit., p. 239-240.
[23] Mao Tsetung, “In Memory of Norman Bethune”, Selected Works, Volume 2, p. 337.
[24] Enver Hoxha, Report Submitted to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania, op.cit., p. 234.
[25] Ibid., p. 239-240.
[26] “Chairman Mao’s Theory of the Differentiation of the Three Worlds I. Major Contribution to Marxism-Leninism”, op. cit., p. 10.
[27] V.l. Lenin, “The Discussion on Self-Determination Summed Up”, Collected Works, Volume 22, p. 342.
[28] Enver Hoxha, Report Submitted to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania, op. cit., p. 235.