First Published: Red Flag Vol. I, No. 6, November-December, 1966
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
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It has been quite evident for the last 4 or 5 months that a basic and significant change in the public attitude of the Communist Party of Japan and the Korean Workers’ Party has taken place with regard to the question of the nature and role of modern revisionism in the world today. It must be pointed out at the beginning that the position of the Communist Party of Japan and the Korean Workers’ Party are not in all respects identical but do in fact essentially coincide. It must be commented on that there is no accident in the recent exchanges and rapprochement between the Korean Workers’ Party, the Communist Party of Japan and the Cuban Communist Party.
The role of the Cuban Communist Party in Latin America should he made clear: that modern revisionism has as its main base of operations in Latin America the Cuban Communist Party. The revisionist elements in the Communist Party in order to push their anti-working class, their anti-Marxist-Leninist line, effectively must seek to cover their actual position of betrayal of the revolutionary movement as long as possible. They must avoid as long as possible a clear link with the Soviet revisionists, but after all this is quite impossible for the Cuban revisionists, for anyone that is familiar with the stance taken by the Cuban revisionists can clearly see their role is one of being the leading revisionist party in Latin America.
We feel that the role being played by the Korean Workers’ Party in particular is one of an attempted Trojan Horse within the Marxist-Leninist movement. We say “attempted“ Trojan Horse because the attempts of both parties to soft-pedal the present Khrushchevite-revisionist leadership of Kosygin and Bresznev has basically failed.
When we hear statements concerning the change in the international situation where modern revisionism, as a primary and main danger is now receding and the question of dogmatism and adventurism is now an equal danger, we can begin to understand what is taking place, for our memories are not that short. When we hear statements from the leaders of these parties that the Soviet Union is still socialist and that the Khrushchevite revisionism as an influence within the C.P.S.U. is on the decline, we clearly know what is occurring.
When “we hear the terms “independency” and “flunkeyism” used by both the Communist Party of Japan and the Korean Workers Party in almost an identical manner, it can easily be concluded that the leadership of both these parties are in collusion with the modern revisionists. Now it may be said that we are jumping to unjust conclusions, that we are being too harsh with comrades internationally, that they indeed have a right to pursue an independent course in accord with their national interests and that communists should not expect individual parties to follow blindly the lead of other parties. Yes, this may be said, but upon examination we will see clearly this is not the case. It is obvious what is meant by Kim Il Sung of the Korean Workers Party when he talks of independency and flunkeyisrn. He talks of’ the Korean Workers Party sitting on its own stool and not having to worry about the position of other parties since it has its own position, as if Marxism-Leninism were not a universal science, a scientific guide to the proletariat of all nations, a key to struggle, a guide to revolutionary action. We too could talk of our own stool and our own view and counterpose it to the rest of the communist parties of the world. When it comes to Marxism-Leninism, there can be concretely only one correct view at any given historic moment that reflects the reality of the interests of the international working class and in any given historic context, there is only one decisive leading center. Our precise problem today is that there are too many stools – or so it may seem. The stool that certain people brag about will clearly be seen as nothing more than a bench on which sit not only Comrade Kim Il Sung but Mss. Kosygin and Bresznev. The comrades of the Communist Party of Japan and the Korean Workers Party must recognize that as Marxist-Leninists, they cannot sit on the fence: That once they take the position of being neutral and “independent”, they are in fact attempting to act as arbiters and compromisers and we ask in a comradely way: “Pray tell, how are you to arbitrate and compromise Marxist-Leninist principles?”
We clearly recognize that within the Communist Party of Japan and the Korean Workers’ Party there are a great many Marxist-Leninists and staunch revolutionaries of the international proletariat who clearly understand what is taking place within their parties. We side with them completely and fully; and furthermore we urge them to engage their stool-sitters and fence-straddlers decisively before they do more damage to their revolutionary parties. The Communist Party of China under the leadership of Mao Tse-tung is the leading communist party in the world today. The international center of the international communist movement has shifted from the Soviet Union to the People’ Republic of China. The great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the struggle on which the interests of the international proletariat rest. There can be no neutral position on these questions nor can there be a neutral position or the anti-communist, pro-fascist role that the C.P.S.U. is playing in the world today.
The position of the Communist Party of Japan and the Korean Workers Part can be characterized as a centrist position precisely because of the attempt internationally to mediate and hold themselves apart from the real struggle. The Marxist-Leninists know from bitter experience that centrists are in fact the advanced position of the revisionists, for their role is to soften and weaken wherever possible the approach of Marxist-Leninists. The question of intention has little bearing on the objective results. We must be objective and scientific in our approach to political trends and the direction of the communist parties in the world today. There are those that say undoubtedly the intentions of the Korean Workers’ Party and the Communist Party of Japan are the noblest. We have no concern for the nobility of their intentions.
It must be made clear the main danger to the international communist movement is modern revisionism, Khrushchevite revisionism headed by the present leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Kosygin and Bresznev. They must be the main target of attack for in their continued exposure internationally, we will be able to more clearly and decisively deal with those who attempt to “conciliate“ their anti-working class views.
The Communist Party U.S.A. (Marxist-Leninist) has republished statements of the Communist Party of New Zealand dealing with joint action, common action of the international communist movement with which we are in full agreement. Our position is clear: there can be no collaboration or joint action in any way with the modern revisionists. The C.P.U.S.A. (M-L) has refrained from making open comment on the position of the Communist Party of Japan and the Korean Workers’ Party until the question of their orientation and direction ha become clear. The C.P.U.S.A. (M-L), in order co clarify its position with regard to the course of the leadership of the Korean Workers’ Party and the Communist Party of Japan has issued this statement.
To collaborate with the revisionists necessitates betrayal of Marxism-Leninism and the international proletariat. No joint action, no collaboration, no betrayal. Expose, isolate and destroy modern revisionism through to the end. There can only be one correct position on this question. The modern revisionists have as their primary concern the destruction of the international communist movement, the destruction of Marxism-Leninism, the science of the working class. Their main activity is geared to finding and establishing all-around areas of collaboration with U.S. imperialism on all fronts, of destroying the socialist economy and developing capitalist relations as rapidly as possible within the Soviet Union, with encouraging the investment of capital, thus facilitating the destruction of Soviet socialist economy. We would ask a simple questions where would the Marxist-Leninists find areas of joint action with the Soviet revisionists? Perhaps the Marxist-Leninists could assist the Soviet revisionists in betraying the Vietnamese people, in pointing out the advantage of negotiations in the struggle with imperialism? Enough of sarcasm on these questions. These matters are most serious. We are told that the Soviet Union can assist decisively in the defense of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. We point out here clearly that the Soviet Union is a force being used by Imperialism to undermine and destroy the struggle of the Vietnamese people. We are told that the joint action of all communist parties would perhaps have prevented the invasion of Vietnam by U. S. imperialism. It must be pointed out here and now that U.S. imperialism invaded Vietnam with a clear understanding well in advance that the revisionist leadership of the C.P.S.U. would not in any way decisively interfere in their undertaking. Why the shift of troops from Europe to Asia by U.S. imperialism? Why the frantic efforts on the part of the C.P.S.U. on behalf of U.S. imperialism, across the face of the world? We deserve an answer, comrades of the Korean Workers’ Party and the Communist Party of Japan. What job would you have the Marxist-Leninists do in the name of joint action with the revisionists? It is perfectly clear to talk of joint action is to talk of collaboration with revisionism.