1. That all true Government is instituted for the General good; is legalized by the general will; and all its actions are, or ought to be, directed for the general happiness and prosperity of all honest citizens.
2. That we feel too much not to believe, that deep and alarming abuses exist in the British Government, yet we are at the same time fully sensible, that our situation is comfortable, compared with that of the people of many European kingdoms; and that as the times are in some degree moderate, they ought to be free from riot and confusion.
3. Yet we think there is sufficient cause to enquire into the necessity of the payment of seventeen millions of annual taxes, exclusive of poor rates, county rates, expences of collection, &c. &c. by seven millions of people; we think that these expences may be reduced, without lessening the true dignity of the nation, or the government; and therefore wish for satisfaction in this important matter.
4. We view with concern the frequency of Wars.—We are persuaded that the interests of the poor can never be promoted by accession of territory when bought at the expence of labour and blood; and we must say, in the language of a celebrated author,—“We, who are only the people, but who pay for wars with our substance and our blood, will not cease to tell Kings, or Governments, that to them alone wars are profitable: that the true and just conquests are those which each makes at home, by comforting the peasantry, by promoting agriculture and manufactories: by multiplying men, and the other productions of nature; that then it is that Kings may call themselves the image of God, whose will is perpetually directed to the creation of new beings. If they continue to make us fight and kill one another, in uniform, we will continue to write and speak, until nations shall be cured of this folly.”—We are certain our present heavy burthens are owing, in a great measure, to cruel and impolitic wars, and therefore we will do all on our part, as peaceable citizens, who have the good of the community at heart, to enlighten each other, and protest against them.
5. The present state of the representation of the People, calls for the particular attention of every man, who has humanity sufficient to feel for the honour and happiness of his country; to the defects and corruptions of which we are inclined to attribute unnecessary Wars, &c. &c. We think it a deplorable case when the poor must support a corruption which is calculated to oppress them; when the labourer must give his money to afford the means of preventing him having a voice in its disposal; when the lower classes may say. —“"We give you our money, for which we have toiled and sweat, and which would save our families from cold and hunger; but we think it more hard that there is nobody whom we have delegated, to see that it is not improperly and wickedly spent: we have none to watch over our interests; the rich only are represented.”—“The form of Government since the Revolution, is in some respects, changed for the worse: by the triennial and septennial acts we lost annual Parliaments: besides which, the wholesome provision for obliging Privy Counsellors to subscribe their advice with their names, and against Placemen and Pensioners sitting in Parliament, have been repealed.” It is said, that the voice of the people is the constitutional controul of Parliament, but what is this but saving, that the Representatives are naturally inclined to support wrong measures, and that the peopple must be constantly assembling to oblige them to do their duty. An equal and uncorrupt representation would, we are persuaded, save us from heavy expences, and deliver us from many oppressions, we will therefore do our duty to procure this reform, which appears to us of the utmost importance.
6. In short, we see with the most lively concern, an army of Placemen, Pensioners, &c. fighting in the cause of corruption and prejudice, and spreading the contagion far and wide;—a large and highly expensive military establishment, though we have a well regulated militia;—the increase of all kinds of robberies, riots, executions, &c. though the nation pays taxes equal to the whole land rental of the kingdom, in order to have its property protected and secured; and is also obliged to enter into separate associations against felonious depredations.—A criminal code of law sanguine and inefficacious.—a civil code so voluminous and mysterious as to puzzle the best understandings; by which means, justice is denied to the poor, on account of the expence attending the obtaining of it;—corporations under ministerial or party influence, swallowing up the importance and acting against the voice of the people;—penalties inflicted on those who accept of offices without conforming to thee violation of their consciences and their rights; the voice of free enquiry drowned in prosecutions and the clamours of the pensioned and interested; and we view, with the most poignant sorrow, a part of the people deluded by a cry of the Constitution and Church in danger, fighting with the weapons of savages, under the banners of prejudice, against those who have their true interest at heart;—we see with equal sensibility the present outcry against reforms, and a cruel proclamation (tending to cramp the liberty of the press, and discredit the true friends of the people) receiving the support of numbers of our countrymen;—we see the continuation of oppressive game laws and destructive monopolies;—we see the education and comfort of the poor neglected, notwithstanding the enormous weight of the poor rates;—we see burthens multiplied—the lower classes sinking into poverty, disgrace and excesses, and the means of these shocking abuses increased for the purposes of revenue;—for the same end, Excise Laws, those badges and sources of oppression, kept up and multiplied.—And when we cast our eyes on a people just formed in a free community, without having had time to grow rich, under a Government by which justice is duly administered, the poor taught and comforted, properly protected, taxes few and easy, and that at an expence as small as that of our pension list—we ask ourselves—“Are we in England?—Have our forethers fought, and bled, and conquered for liberty?—And did not they think that the fruits of their patriotism would be more abundant in peace, plenty, and happiness?—Are we always to stand still or go backwards?—Are our burthens to be as heavy as the most enslaved people?—Is the condition of the poor never to be improved?” Great Britain must have arrived at the highest degree of national happiness and prosperity, and our situation must be too good to be mended, or the present outcry against reforms and improvements is inhuman and criminal. But we hope our condition will be speedily improved, and to obtain so desirable a good is the object of our present Association; an union founded on principles of benevolence and humanity; disclaiming all connection with riot and disorder, but firm in our purpose, and warm in our affections for liberty.
7. Lastly—We invite the friends of freedom throughout Great Britain to form similar Societies, and to act with unanimity and firmness, till the people be too wise to be imposed upon; and their influence in the government be commensurate with their dignity and importance.

THEN SHALL WE BE FREE AND HAPPY.

By order of the Society
S. EYRE, Chairman