MIA > Archive > Harry Pollitt
From International Press Correspondence, Vol. 3 No. 41 [23], 7 June 1923, pp. 398–399.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.
Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2020). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.
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Comrade Pollitt (England), was to have spoken, on behalf of the Committee of Action elected by the International Conference at Frankfort-on-Maine, to the Congress of the 2nd and 2½ Internationals. As the Congress did not accede to the proposals of the Committee of Action, we publish the undelivered speech, as follows: |
Dear Comrades,
Before I turn to the present international situation, and to the propositions which we nave to make to you in consideration of this situation, I believe that a word of explanation is necessary as to the reasons for the founding of our International Committee of Action.
The occupation of the Ruhr created problems for the French and German workers, problems which were bound to speedily affect the working class of the whole world. The occupation of the Ruhr area signified a new stage in the development of French imperialism, and was bound to have effect on the whole foreign policy of all the great imperialist states. The Ruhr occupation signifies in particular a further step forward in the exploitation and impoverishment of the German workers. It involves the danger of a new war, and induces at the same time the growth of Fascism, for it enhances nationalist feeling.
As a result of the pressure of French imperialism, the Rhenish-Westphalian shop stewards convened an international labor congress in Frankfort-on-Maine, and this conferred from March 18 till 21. This conference elected an International Committee of Action against War Danger and Fascism. At a session of this Committee of Action, held in Berlin on May 18, it was resolved to appoint a delegation entrusted with the task of stating our opinions to this international congress of socialist parties, with special reference to the present acute international situation. This delegation is commissioned to make a proposition to this congress as to international joint action.
Since the publication of Curzon’s note to Russia, the whole international situation has become much more serious. The dangers threatening the working class on every side are so great, that we deem it necessary to make some practical proposals to your congress as to ways and means of meeting the common danger by international action. It will scarcely be necessary to draw the attention of the leaders of the various parties represented al this conference to the seriousness of the situation brought about by Curzon’s note to Russia. The note simply signifies that the reactionary conservative government of England hopes to force Russia to make such concessions as would be synonymous with the surrender of the sovereignty of the Soviet government.
Lord Curzon’s foreign policy is leading to war. This is 1he decisive fact which we must keep in mind. The cancelment of the commercial agreement is the first step in this direction. This is the signal for a fresh attack upon Russia; if not from England directly, then from the border states. This will signify the renewal of the blockade, and of the intervention policy as pursued in 1919.
We may already observe how closely Italy is co-operating with England. The revelations made by the Manchester Guardian on the secret telegrams sent by Amadori, the Italian representative in Moscow, to Mussolini, leave no doubts as to the intentions of the imperialist governments. The telegrams recommend the Fascist government of Italy to break off commercial relations with Russia, to recommend the same course of action to all other states, and to commence a renewed blockade of Russia. During the last few days we have been able to ascertain the perfect understanding existing between the Fascist government and the “democratic” government of England. The visit paid by the King and Queen of England to Mussolini, Lord Curzon’s telegram of congratulation to him, the conferring of the highest of English bourgeois honors upon Mussolini; all this shows that the two governments are co-operating to one end – the annihilation of Soviet Russia. The murder of the Russian ambassador for Italy, comrade Vorovsky, must not be forgotten, nor the atmosphere of hostility against Soviet Russia in which this shameful deed was committed.
Further, Lord Curzon’s note to Germany, was drawn up with the intention of drawing English and French policies together again, so that France might take part in an attack on Soviet Russia. The passivity of the working class and their organizations, when the Ruhr area was occupied, encouraged the war-makers to fresh adventures. Marshall Foch visited Poland and inspected the troops there. From there he proceeded to Czecho-Slovakia. where he also reviewed troops. At present be is in England. And at the present time Lord Cavan commander in chief of the English army staff, is in Poland negotiating with the Polish military authorities. The English Times designates Lord Cavan’s journey as a soldier’s visit to other soldiers. It is perfectly plain that a fresh war isintended.
What is to be done in this situation? We all know the horror and misery of war. The carnage of the last great war is not yet forgotten. There are millions of workers’ families in which parents, wives, and orphans, are mourning the low of their breadwinners. Is this to happen again? Our first instinctive feeling is no! A thousand times no! And yet it will happen again, it we do not join hands in common action for the prevention of war, if we confine ourselves to passing pious resolutions.
Every comrade here present hates war. Every congress, especially since 1918, has been directed against war. Whether they were national conferences of the working class, or whether they were international conferences. It is only necessary to remember the Hague conference, or the Rome conference held by the Amsterdam trade union international last year.
When I speak of my own country, I speak as a working man who knows the British movement in every part of the country, and am able to say that the organized workers of Britain are determinedly agreed against a war with Russia: they would follow any slogan issued by their responsible leaders. The workers and employees of the London docks have already undertaken to handle no war material. At the conference held by the English Labor Party in Edinburgh in July 1922, a decisive resolution was passed, and comrade Wallhead, here present as representative of the English Independent Labor Party, will doubtless remember the very decisive speech against a new war which he made on that occasion. At the trade union congress held at Southport in September 1922 a resolution was again unanimously passed against war. I mention these things because they show that the British workers are ready to take definite action as soon as this appears necessary. Lord Curzon is aware of this, and therefore he continues to deny that he has any intention of war with Russia. England’s policy will be that of an unofficial war, that is, she will do her utmost to provide other countries, and the Russian White Guards, with ammunition, arms, money, and ships.
War is a frightful occurrence at any time. But a war against the first workers’ and peasants’ republic in the world is a challenge to the whole working class of all countries. The Russian revolution has filled the workers of all countries with emulation and hope. The victories and struggles, the sacrifices and sufferings of the Russian proletariat have brought the revolution nearer to the hearts of all workers. Through famine and blockade, through civil war and foreign interventions, and m the midst of conflict with the powers of world imperialism, the Russian proletariat has kept the red flag waving victoriously over the whole of Russia. The victory of the Russian proletariat signifies the first breach in the capitalist state of society, the first step towards the emancipation of the working class. How proud we should be if in this hour of danger, the workers of the whole world could practically proclaim their solidarity with the Russian workers and peasants, if we should form a united front to ward off the capitalist invaders who are endeavoring to attack a country which – and this we must never forget – is the first workers’ and peasants’ republic in the world.
There are many questions in which you and we are of different opinions. But if there is any one thing which can induce the whole labor movement to united action, it is the struggle against war danger, It does not suffice to deliver fine speeches, to sing hymns in praise of peace. We do not call upon you to join us in discussing theoretical problems, or to start a revolution; we only ask that we all join together for common action against the new dangers threatening us on all sides. We therefore propose that you form with us a joint committee, for the purpose of carrying out the organizatory work in connection with this common action, and that we immediately summon our affiliated parties to arrange mass demonstrations, and to carry out a 24 hours general strike throughout the world, that the proletariat of the world may be given the opportunity of practically showing its abhorrence of war, and of demonstrating for the international solidarity of labor. We are convinced that this undertaking will be successful if all sections will loyally carry out their promises.
Let us join our forces to prevent the new imperialist war now threatening us!
Your congress will also discuss the question of the Ruhr occupation. This is another case in which joint action is necessary; and not only to release the German workers from the frightful exploitation under which they are suffering at present. If we do not undertake some such action, we shall witness the German workers being dragged down to the level of Hindu coolies. And this would signify that the present standard of living of all workers would be depressed to the German level. We can put an end to the Ruhr occupation by joint action. This action has been promised to the German workers.
Comrade Fimmen, of the Amsterdam trade union international, declared to the British trade union congress that, should the French army invade the Ruhr area, 20 million workers would go on strike to force the withdrawal of the troops. The congress passed a resolution promising the aid of the British trade unions. And now the French have been in the Ruhr valley for 5 months. German workers have been shot. Other workers have been driven from their homes in thousands, the misery of the workers is frightful everywhere. And still no practical help has been given, or only in single cases, as for instance the gift of corn from the Russian trade unions, or the financial aid sent by other trade unions. Here is another sphere for joint action among all workers, regardless of political views. We must all demand, and attempt to bring about the French withdrawal from the Ruhr.
The final question of which we have to speak is the growth of Fascism. Reaction is advancing everywhere, and the blessing which England has called down upon Mussolini will further the growth of Fascism all over the world. We have seen the results of Fascist work in Italy, and one eloquent witness of this is Serrati’s absence today on account of his imprisonment by the Italian Fascisti.
In the Balkan states signs of the rapid growth of Fascism may be observed everywhere. In Germany this problem assumes ever increasing dimensions. In Spain, Austria, Hungary, and Poland, the movement is spreading widely. Its existence is a constant challenge by the bourgeoisie to the workers. This movement says: with your legal actions you may go as far as a certain limit, but if you should venture to overstep this, or if you do not fulfil our demands, we shall suppress you by force.
The labor organizations must therefore concentrate upon joint action against growing Fascism, and against the dangers which it involves for the working class.
I have tried to lay before you, in plain terms, our views and proposals, and I can only hope that you will consider these in the same spirit as Ramsay Macdonald begged the House of Commons to consider the British note. He said:
“Both parties should cease their tactics of debate, and occupy themselves like men with the serious consideration of a practical solution.”
To conclude, our propositions may be summed up in one question:
Will you form a united front with us, for the purpose of organizing mass action and proclaiming a 24 hours general strike, with the object of fighting:
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Last updated on 20 October 2021