MIA > Archive > Nicolai Bukharin
From International Press Correspondence, Vol. 23 No. 49, 12 July 1923, pp. 504–505.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.
June 21, 1923.
It is my duty to report to you on the position of the work on the question of the program of the Comintern. The Fourth Congress did not go very deeply into this question. It simply demanded that the partial demands should be referred to in the first part of the program. Consequently, general lines were lacking on which to base the discussion. The Enlarged Executive is to give directions to all the parties upon which the question should be discussed.
In my opinion, the Executive must decide how the program shall be constructed, whether there should be a compulsory common section for all parties or not. In my opinion it would be advisable that all the parties should have such a common section. That was also the unanimous opinion of the Fourth Congress. This common section was to be the symbol that we are on the way to becoming a world party. This, to a certain degree, is already the case, for the Comintern has already adopted innumerable resolutions and theses common to all our parties. This common section of the program was to consist of an analysis of capitalism, the development of imperialism, a description of our maximum program, a description of our transitional demands, and of the partial demands based on the decision of the Fourth Congress. So far we have three drafts of a program; one which I drew up, another from the German Party, and another from Comrade Varga. Certain rather important theoretical differences exist between these three drafts. The German draft is based on the views of Comrade Luxemburg on the accumulation of capital. They are of the opinion that the scientific exposition of the breakdown of capitalism can only be made with the aid of her theory. I do not share this view. According to whether we share this view or not we shall have to give the introductory common section of our program a specific framework. A lively discussion over this theory has already taken place in the Russian Party. I cannot go into a discussion of this theory because Comrade Thalheimer, the representative of the Luxemburg theory of the accumulation of capital is not here.
Since the Fourth Congress certain incidents have occurred in the life of the Comintern and its Sections which make the introduction of certain special points necessary. One of these questions is the national question to which we must attach greater significance than heretofore. Another, of which we have spoken hardly at all, is the question of philosophy (Weltanschauung). I also regard it as necessary that we should formulate in detail our Marxist materialist standpoint and also indicate our attitude towards religion.
I now come to three questions which are bound up together and which are of a rather delicate nature. These are the so-called red imperialism, the possibility of the alliance of the proletarian States with bourgeois States, and workers’ capitalism and workers’ imperialism. These questions must be mentioned in the general section of the program. A program must contain directing principles, not only adapted to the present, but also for some fairly long time ahead. The conditions prevailing in Germany are a symptom of further development, and indicate what the future may bring. Strife may arise between bourgeois States, there may arise struggles for national emancipation on the part of defeated bourgeois States, or of colonial peoples, or there may arise struggles of the proletarian and peasant classes against their oppressors. The question af assistance from already existing proletarian States for the revolutionary proletariat of the other States is, as far as the very near future is concerned, only a theoretical question. In the more distant future it will certainly be more than a theoretical question. We have already had such a case arise in Georgia. The problem of alliance between proletarian States and bourgeois States must also be considered. For instance, Soviet Russia supported Turkey at Lausanne, and no Communist Party thought of criticising her for it. Or take the case of the government of Sun Yat Sen. We are supporting Sun Yat Sen although he will certainly not create a proletarian government, but rather a bourgeois revolutionary government, All these examples give rise to the possibility of various combinations, which must all be considered under the general problem of the strategy of the proletarian state.
We are compelled to widen greatly our point of view. We have already seen this practically in the present assembly over the question of the relations between the proletariat and the peasantry. First we had to build up parties consisting of the best proletarian elements. Then we transformed these parties into mass parties. Now we are trying to win over the followers of the Social-democrats. As time goes on we shall be faced with still wider problems. When the proletarian State comes into being, the question immediately arises, whether or not it is to be the rallying point of all oppressed elements, i.e. not merely the proletariat. As capitalism decays it will become more and more apparent that the already existing proletarian States will become the rallying point of all the oppressed.
I must now turn to a point about which Comrade Treint has written several articles. He says he is in favor of labor imperialism. What is imperialism? Does it not mean expansion? Imperialism has no other end than to extend those conditions which place the whole world under the domination of a clique of finance capitalists. Labor imperialism implies that the working class would undertake the expansion of finance-capitalist relations. This would be absurd. Furthermore, such a terminology is capable of creating considerable confusion in the heads of the Workers. The expansion of Socialism is another matter. I am of the opinion thqt in the general section of our program, the question of the rising proletarian States as concentration points of all oppressed peoples should be placed under the heading of the Strategy of Proletarian States.
The question of partial demands should also be placed in the program in connection with the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government. We must make the assertion in our program that a lasting, independent peasant government is impossible. Only the domination of the bourgeoisie or the domination of the proletariat is possible. The fight between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat will, in the long run, become a fight for the leadership of the peasantry.
I now want to make seme practical suggestions. The Executive should decide that all the parties of die Communist International should supply the following material: an analysis of the situation in their countries in the present period, not from the standpoint of the immediate state of affairs, but with reference to a fairly long period. All parties should draw up a list of their partial demands, which will of course vary according to country. In relation to the question of the general strategy of the working class, material must be supplied us as to the relations between our parties and other parties. Our campaign for the United Front must be mentioned in the draft program, on the basis of existing facts. The various national Sections of the Comintern should send us the drafts of their national programs, and in addition, should criticise the already existing drafts and any subsequent proposals. I would propose that we should here elect a small commission consisting of three or four comrades to elaborate the material received from all the parties.
This Commission should get into relations with the parties, for which purpose each Section should appoint a comrade to be responsible for this work. I note that drafts for a British and a Japanese program already exist. The British draft will have to be specially considered, while this present meeting cannot decide as to the Japanese draft, since it contains a general section, the adoption of which will depend upon our decisions for the general section of other programs. I therefore propose the following resolution:
The Enlarged Executive Committee considers it necessary that the programs of all the parties should contain a common general section.
Furthermore, the Enlarged Executive Committee regards it as desirable that references should be made in the program to the following subjects: Communist philosophy (Marxian materialism, relations to religions, etc.), the national question, the strategy of proletarian states, Workers’ and Peasants’ Government.
Every party should collect and place at the disposal of the Executive Committee, material on the following subjects: 1. For an analysis of the contemporary situation in the country. 2. For the drawing up of partial demands. 3. On the relations with other labor parties. 4. Suggestions for the section of the program dealing with the national question. 5. Criticism of the already received suggestions for the general section and of such suggestions as may be received in future.
Every party should appoint a comrade to be responsible for this work.
The Enlarged Executive Committee shall appoint a small commission, the work of which shall be:
Last updated on 2 September 2021