MIA > Archive > Nicolai Bukharin
From International Press Correspondence, Vol. 3 No. 21, 27 February 1923, pp. 159–160. [1]
Also from International Press Correspondence (Weekly), Vol. 3 No. 8, 1 March 1923, p. 99.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.
The events in the Ruhr bear witness to the fact, that a far more disastrous situation has arisen in Europe than that which existed in the past months. The events in the Ruhr have done much to shaken faith in the belief that stability has been secured in the sphere of international relations between the states, and between the various social forces of the continent of Europe These events in the first place, confirm the correctness of our assertions and predictions, we pointed out, in opposition to a large number of bourgeois imperialist optimists, that the peace entered into at the end of the world war was inevitably bound to be broken by the course of events. After a few historical deviations, it finally turns out that we were in the right; the happenings in the Ruhr are the proof of the correctness of our forecast.
Strictly speaking, we ought to be grateful to M. Poincaré, for the Ruhr events constitute a powerful means of propaganda against the further development of imperialist and bourgeois tendencies. The imperialist war of 1914 was carried on by the bourgeoisie under an extraordinarily powerful ideological cloud. Every book and paper – the most important instruments of capitalism – asseverated that the war pursued idealistic aims. We orthodox Marxists were obliged to prove by very complicated arguments that the imperialist powers were actuated by economic motives. But the events in the Ruhr lay bare the naked economic interests at stake, expressed in terms of so many tons of coal, in sc many square kilometres of foreign territory, in such and such a quantity of gold, to be received by France in accordance with the treaty of Versailles. There is something new in the character of these events, and in so far as the economic roots of the whole Ruhr adventure are exposed in their undisguised and prosaic nakedness, these events are the best possible propagandist instrument for dispelling the illusions still existing in the heart and mind of many a French proletarian. The Ruhr events dispel every illusion cherished by the French working class in 1914. Thus the chief significance of the Ruhr occupation lies in the great campaign of exposure which it represents, implying for us a great political asset upon which we can rely in the future, upon which we can already rely to-day, for dispelling the illusions of the working class.
An even greater importance is to be attached to the Ruhr events when considered from the standpoint of their ultimate results, as imagined by bourgeois ideologists. The main question, upon which depends the future destiny of the whole of humanity, is the question whether the bourgeoisie will succeed – through the victory of one bourgeois coalition over another – in healing the wounds made by the war, and whether it will succeed in restoring political balance.
The events in the Ruhr have, during the last few months, considerably altered the form and balance of forces and conditions, especially in the sphere of economics. There have, at times, been favorable conditions of the market permitting a slight recovery. But these partial improvements have been so trivial and inconstant that they could not be regarded as a sign that the capitalist world has entered upon a phase of improvement. The Ruhr events chiefly affect Germany. The German mark fell with a rapidity far exceeding that of the depreciation of the Russian rouble. This depreciation of the mark led io the greatest confusion in the sphere of economics in general, and especially with regard to wages.
On the other hand, the effects of the adventure have also been acutely fell in France itself. Enormous sums are being wasted in occupying the Ruhr area, and in the attempt, somehow, to keep the work going in the Ruhr basin. All this is unremunerative outlay, for sabotage is effectually preventing the French from gaining any profit whatever. Besides this, the whole of Europe and America must realize that the Poincaré government is playing va banque, and this game may end with a crash which will be inevitably accompanied by a corresponding depreciation of the French franc.
International financial questions are inextricably involved in the catastrophic depreciation of the German mark and the depreciation of the French franc. In this respect the genera! economic situation can only be characterized as an abrupt destruction of that equilibrium which appeared to be gradually establishing itself during recent months. This economic confusion is mirrored in the sphere of political relations. If hitherto, it was believed (we ourselves did not believe it) that equilibrium would be restored among the powers of Europe, any such prefect has now completely vanished. Political relations have reached a most critical point, and we may regard the political equilibrium as completely overthrown. However we may consider the conditions within the Entente, there is no combination which
will afford the possibility of effecting a balance, having regard to Germany’s further development. A potential power must arise from within to break through the ring.
With regard to the relations between French capital and Germany, it is perfectly clear that the situation is bound to become more acute. This is also the case within the Entente itself, in its relations to the Near East. No agreement was reached on the most important points, and we are fully aware that we are standing on the brink of a fresh war between Turkey and Greece, each country backed by certain groups of states.
This confusion and aggravation of the situation is of advantage to the proletariat, lor the restoration and establishment of the capitalist order in western Europe would have been most dangerous for us. It would have meant that the starving working class would have become more passive by some slight alleviations, and reformism would have flourished. Under the present circumstances it is quite impossible for this to happen – the events in the Ruhr have helped us greatly. Whatever turn events may take, they will result in the relative strengthening of our forces, for it will be accompanied by a weakening of the total forces opposed to us.
Perhaps France will be able to surmount all difficulties; perhaps she will go further after vanquishing Germany. It may be, she will recognize the necessity of according some compensation to England and Poland – and perhaps the dividing up of Germany will become an actual fact, and as a result of all these events, an attack on Soviet Russia. But it is equally possible that France will find herself unable to cope with the economic tasks presented by the Ruhr area. Perhaps she will go further without having digested what she has already swallowed. The result wilI be Poincaré’s downfall, and the displacement of his government by that of the so-called Left Bloc. Thirdly and finally, it is possible that France will not undertake any special initiative, but enter into a compromise. Should the nrst possibility turn out to be right, then France, with Poland and her other vassal states, will fall upon us; but we have struck deep roots, our position is extraordinarily secure. We for our part would be extremely foolish to plunge into any adventures. We by no means desire war, but we must openly admit to ourselves the possibility of a treacherous attack, and must enlighten the masses as to the possibility.
The second possibility is the most probable. In consequence of the weakening of the bourgeoisie, its realization would involve a general revival, and create favorable conditions for us. Should the third possibility come to pass, the solution of all problems will be retarded. But during this period our strength will grow, while that of the bourgeoisie will weaken.
When we take all this into consideration, we must realize that for us, the point of essential importance is our economic reconstruction, and the emphasis on our will to peace, as mainly examplified in the considerable reduction of our army. But at the same time we must emphasize that we have no intention of permuting die enemy to seize us by the throat as the French troops have seized the republic of Mr. Ebert.
1. Extract from the speech delivered by comrade Bukharin at the 4th All Russian congress of press workers.
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